GERMANY FEARED AND HATED.

Gisborne Times, Volume XXVII, Issue 2521, 7 June 1909, Page 2

GERMANY FEARED AND HATED.

ENGLAND WONDERS IF HER TURN OF HUMILIATION OR DISASTROUS WAR WILL COME 'NEXT.

(Special cable to ‘'Neiv York Sun.”) LONDON, April 3.

It is now definitely known, despite semi-official denials from Berlin, that Germany delivered a distinct ultimatum to "Russia on March 25. summoning her to recognise Austria’s annexe-, tion of Bosnia and Herzegovina forthwith or else military operations would begin immediately. The German Ambassador informed Foreign Minister Izvolsky. that if Russia refused to take the step required Germany would! oousider the refusal an act of hostility to her Austrian ally and that German troops, would at once cross the frontier. The Ambassador further intimated that Germany had mobilised a great force, on the Polish frontier, in preparation for the movement. v Izvolsky asked for sufficient time to consult the Western Powers. This was refused. Izvolsky thereupon summoned an emergency meeting of the Imperial Council, and within twenty-four hours it was decided to yield completely to Germany’s demands. Thus by a single stroke Germany made peace for the moment in the Balkans and also CHANGED THE WHOLE FACE OF EUROPEAN POLITICS. It is necessary to recall here an important bit of history. When the first German Emperor was dying he summoned his grandson, the present Kaiser, to advise him on the foreign policy of the Empire. He charged him, above all else, never to quarrel with Russia. Friendly relations with that Empire, he declared, were essential to the welfare of 'Germany. Bismarck was of the same mind, and such lias been the fundamental policy of Germany until now. Those traditions have ' now been abandoned and Germany has completely usurped Russia’s role as the champion of the Slavs and all the other elements in the Balkans. No one can pretend that Germany s first aggressive use of her great power toward achieving her ambition to secure the hegemony of Europe makes for peace beyond the moment. We have before us the first move in the campaign of retaliation which it has beon foreshadowed many times in these despatches the Kaiser would make against King Edward’s league of peace. Russian anger knows no bounds, but it is impotent anger for the time being. The rage of Russia is matched by tko alarm of England. Nowhere has Germany’s masterstroke created so much uneasiness among air thinking classes as in Great Britain. Germany held a pistol to Russia’s bead yesterday; she might do the same with equal success against England to-morrow, with the present Government in power. But even the conglomerate elements of present British rule began to see writing on the wall. There is good reason to believe that Asquith a few days after the Budget is introduced, after the Easter holidays, will announce the Government’s intention to build eight Dreadnoughts forthwith. Tjbere are signs of awakening to a popular sense of

RESPONSIBILITY ON BOTH SIDES. Even Balfour, whose careless langoiir in politics for the last few years has exasperated his friends and foes alike, is developing qualities of vigorous leadership. He has the country with him beyond question. • The popular alarm of this country to-day is not of .the noisy sort. It is far more potent and irresistible on that account. It is safe to predict that unless the Government shows every cljetermination to re-arm the country at the highest available speed means will be found within the next few weeks to sweep it from power. Popular judgment sums up the situation in a sentence: “War with Germany would cost England £1,000,000 a day. One Dreadnought costs two millions, or the same as two day’s of possible war.” Germany’s high-handed settlement of the Balkan question lias completely clarified the European situation in an important sense. Germany has completely solidified, as nothing else could have done, what will henceforth be the putative alliance against her of Great Britain, Russia and France. Hatred of Germany to-day is as deep and permanent in Russia - as in France. This will prove no small element in the greater crisis towards which the frantic struggle in war preparations is driving the European world. Russia is only momentarily weak. The domestic reforms which are making rapid progress in the Muscovite empire are genuine, the resources of the country are ' enormous. The speed of Russia’s recuperation will astonish the world before long. However, Germany believes that her day will come within three years and that Russia, within that time, cannot become formidable. Experience has _taugbt Germany, as she learned in, 18/0, tlio immense value of

SECRET PREPARATIONS AND SUDDEN SURPRISES.

It 'is this feature of her ultimatum that has most startled England. It is this which leads the ablest statesmen and journals of this country to indulge in language of gravest forebodings. The "Spectator,” in closing an alarmist leader, .declares to-day that unless England organises resources tor the building and equipment of ships, to the utmost Germany will take action toward Britain, such as she did toward Russia, “and, from the German point of view, quite likely,” says the "Spectator,” “we shall then have to choose between fighting at a tremendous disadvantage and national huinuiat“We will not discuss whether, under such circumstances, it would be wise or not to accept humiliation, touch a discussion is idle. An autocracy may be able to choose humiliation; a democracy, and least of all a. Britishdemocracy,, can do no'such thing, i 1 he peo-

pie in such a dilemma, will always choose the sword.”

11SUSIAN BITTERNESS AGAINST GERMANY. ST. PETERSBURG, April 3. The Czar’s sudden submission to tlio Kaiser has wrought Russian society up to an incredible pitch of bitterness. A single incident will illustrate how the families nearest to .the Imperial Court feel tlieir patriotism humiliated. The annual banquet - at the German Embassy to tlio leading families of Russia and the Diplomatic Corps, which was postponed for a month owing to the death of the Grand Duke Vladimir, was given on the evening of the day when Ruesia/s surrender to Germany’s ultimatum on behalf of the Austrian Emperor was published. As the Count and Countess von Pourtales were receiving their guests a dumb chill' spread over the assembly as one after another the grand dames of Russia cut Baron Izvolsky dead, as if he were one of the embassy footmen. Pourtales, and all the foreign diplomats were placed in a most difficult position.. It was not t'lieiy quarrel, and yet they dared not seek to smooth mattois. At such banquets political conversation is strictly taboo, but the Russian non-political families refused to say a word, and it was a veritable feast of death. When the. Russian ladies left the, tables iustcad of retiring to the drawing room for coffee they called for their wraps and then for their husbands and left the house, ilt became impossible to attempt any pleasurable society, and the other guests followed the example of the Russian ladies, the. banquet closing without the reception which' had been announced^ On the following night a more savage, taunt was levelled at tlio Czar, thiough his scapegoat Izvolsky in the hall Oi the Russian Historical Society. A large meeting of professional and leisured classes was assembled under Professor Pogodin to hear ’a lecture on Slavonic life” and customs outside of Russia. Professor Miliukoff, leader of the Constitutional Democrats, who opened the discussion that followed the lecture, said that although Russians had not yet learned whom to love they now know whom to bate. Such a passionate volley of cheering followed that a- great body of police -was brought into the hall by the inspector who was watching the proceedings. Miliukoff’s utterance was masterly as a veiled incitement. On the surface it might ‘mean hate for the Germans or for Russian diplomacy and bureaucracy, but what aroused the vehemence of the audience was its pointing directly to the Czar, oLwliom all were .thinking. The meeting was forthwith closed, the audience cheering as the police escorted them outside. The only consolation for the. national spirit in these days is the. advent or General Sulrhoflinoff as Minister of War. He has' so many supporters among patriotic officers and the energetic civil elements in the country that it is believed he will secure for himself a position like M. Stolypin’s which is. so strong that THE CZAR DOES NOT DARE ASK HIM TO RESIGN. The Czar’s parlour committee, of imperial defence under Grand Duke Nicholas Nicolaievitch has already been dissolved, and General Sukhoflinoff has now taken under his personal control the mobilisation department of the General Staff. All his training, which began under General Dragomiroff in the Turkish War, lias been on Russia’s western frontier, and apart from bis personal qualifications be is counted a broad-minded and vigorous statesman, who refused to come to St. Petersburg until lie could come with a free hand.