POLITICAL.

Gisborne Times, Volume XXVII, Issue 2526, 12 June 1909, Page 2

POLITICAL.

DEFENCELESS NEW ZEALAND.

MR. MASSEY’S VIEWS

Speaking at the informal Parliament Mr. Massey said: “They ill knew that important events had occurred of late in European politics, making it necessary for Britain and her self-govern-ing colonies to recast their naval policy. Me saw no occasion for heroles or hysterical displays, which were very well in times of peace, but of very little use “when the guns begin to shoot.” That was the time we had to •prepare for, and not only to defend our own country, but to assist the Empire to maintain its supremacy. The Prime Minister had a lot to say about the defence policy of the Government, but he (Mr. Massey) would ask any member of the House to say What was the defence policy of this country. (Hear hear.) Did anyone 'know what it was? Hacft the Governmen any defence policy ? He challenged the Prime Minister to tell them. He j (Mr Massey) did not know, though had been a member of five Parliaments. There was no country in tlio British Dominions which expended so much on defence and had so little to show for it. No other country was in such an absolutely defenceless condition. It was no use mincing matters. They must get down to bed rock, and face the position. It would be one of the duties of the session to put New Zealand in a state of defence, which, as Lord Rosebery had said, was the best way ; for any colony to assist in the defence of the Empire. He. hoped that they would be able to! do that, and that when the next war cloud came, they would be able to do something bettor for the Empire and themselves than offer Dreadnoughts, for which they would have to ask Britain for money to pay for. The people were loyal, and were ready to make any sacrifice of. men or mouey, as they had done before, but they asked for a strong and intelligent head in defence matters. THE DREADNOUGHT OFFER. THE OPPOSITION STANDPOINT. Speaking at the informal Parliament on the Dreadnought offer, Mr. Massey said that personally he was as much a loyalist, and an Imperialist as anybody, and his past actions would justify that claim. If 'there was any crisis which would justify the expenditure of four millions, Parliament should, he held, have been convened. He was prepared to take the consequences of the opinion which) he was expressing. He knew that there were some men who sat around him who did not hold exactly the same opinion on the subject as he did, but he could say they were all anxious to do as much as they could for the Empire to which they belonged. There were thousands of this opinion—and he was ofj that opinion—that it would have been putting the interests of Empire before family interests, kindred, self-interest, and the possession, of everything else that man held dear, the proper thing would have been to have convened Parliament and let members say what form the assistance should take—whether in the shape of battleships or by way of permanent subsidy. The party of which he was leader was not numerically so large as that of the Government party, but its members represented half the inhabitants of the country. If the Prime Minister had wished to place the question above party it was his duty to have consulted the leader of the Opposition. (Hear, hear.) If he had been consulted, lie would have been only too willing to have given, him every assistance. Instead of adopting that course the Prime Minister had attempted to score off his own bat,- and lie would give him all the credit which lie achieved for his pains.