THE EDUCATION ORDINANCE.

Globe, Volume IV, Issue 316, 17 June 1875, Page 2

THE EDUCATION ORDINANCE.

Public Meeting.

Last evening, a large public meeting of the citizens of Christchurch, convened by his Worship the Mayor, in compliance with a requisition, was held in the Oddfellows’ Hall, to consider the Education Ordinance, brought in by the present Government, and passed by the Provincial Council.

The Mayor on taking the chair, read the requisition, in pursuance of which he had convened the present meeting. He said the matter was one of great interest to every ratepayer of Christchurch. He hoped that they would give every speaker an impartial hearing, and that the speakers would confine themselves to the matter under consideration. Only two resolutions would be moved, and any gentleman in the body of the hall would be at liberty to speak to them. Before proceeding with the business, he would read a letter from the Rev Mr Habens, which was as follows:—“ Christchurch, June 16th, 1875. “ To his Worship the Mayor of Christchurch. “ Dear sir,—l very much regret that an important engagement, which I do not think it right to avoid, will prevent my attendance at the meeting you have called for to-night, I understand that the object of the promoters of the meeting is to obtain an expression of public opinion adverse to the principles embodied in the Government proposals for changes in the administration of the Education department. I should have been glad of an opportunity to state explicitly the grounds of my own objections to the new Bill, which I regard as unnecessary, ill-timed, and mischievous. I am, dear sir, your obedient servant, vV. Jas. Habens.” Mr Wynn Williams said he came before them again, after an interval of about a year, to propose a resolution of very much greater importance than he had on that occasion. He appealed to those present to support the chair and those who spoke, because it was necessary that it should go forth that the meeting was unanimous and orderly. He might say that when the present Government came into office the financial position of the province was put before the people in such a way as to lead to the belief that the system of education could not be supported as before. He again repeated what he had said elsewhere, that he could see no reason why the buildings for education should not have been as easily provided for as roads, bridges, wharves, &c, [Hear, hear.] He contended that none of these were in any way to compare in importance with education, and if they went on with very fine roads, bridges, &c, and yet neglected education, they would be looked upon as having lived in the dark ages. On the Appropriation Act, which would be passed next day, there was over £ 100,000 for public works, while there was not anything for the building of schools. [Cheers.] For that reason, when he found it, he had resigned his office as Provincial Solicitor in order to attempt to stop it. It had been said that the Superintendent should not veto, but he contended that this was perfectly constitutional. However, the resolution did not affirm the desirability of the Superintendent exercising his power of veto, but he felt perfectly satisfied that the Superintendent, in exercising his power of veto, would have the support and hearty concurrence of the whole of the electors and ratepayers of the province. [Loud cheers.] He had no hesitation in saying that should a dissolution take place, and the hon member for Heathcote (Sir Cracroft Wilson), who was President of the Executive, and those who thought with him, went to the constituencies with the present Bill as their policy, they had no more chance of being elected than he (Mr Williams) had of being elected for Westminster. What he contended was that by vetoing this Bill the Superintendent would do one of the best acts he ever did in the course of his career [Cheers.] [Mr Williams then proceeded to detail the personal matter between himself and the Executive, quoting from the letter already published.] He might say that he had been begged, entreated, and requested to join the Government, though he had distinctly madeup his mind not to join any Government. But at any rate, whatever were the circumstances, he thought he had shown that he would rather give up his office as Provincial Solicitor than retain it when he felt that a great wrong would be perpetrated. [Cheers.] The resolution he was going to propose was one which was so generally worded as not to be at all noxious to the most constitutionally minded person possible. The resolution was as follows - “ This meeting is of opinion that the amended Education Bill introduced during the present sitting of the Provincial Council will, if allowed to become law, be seriously detrimental to the system of Education introduced by the Education Ordinance of 1873 ; and is also strongly of opinion that his Honor the Superintendent, the members of the Executive Government and members of the Provincial Council should mutually agree that the Bill be postponed until next session.” He hoped the meeting would pass this resolution unanimously, because he felt sure that if the matter wei e referred to the ratepayers or electors of the province there would be an immense majority against the Bill. He need only refer to the election which took place at the Heathcote, when one of the foremost men in the colony was beaten because he argued that the denominations should have a further time. He alluded to Mr Stafford, and he was sorry that he had not been elected, despite his opinions, because he would have been a very great

ornament to them. Now his opponents had beaten him (Mr Stafford) on the ground that they advocated the retention of the present Ordinance intact, but what had been the result? Why that one of those gentlemen had been most prominent in attempting to alter one of the most important and vital principles of the Bill without in any way consulting his constituents. If he was now to go to the Heathcote electors, and tell them that the present Bill was his policy, they would at once reject him. [Cheers ] He (Mr Williams) contended that they should not impose taxation until they were perfectly forced to do so. He had heard some hon numbers in the Provincial Council complain that they were not reported in the public papers, but if all the papers in Christchurch were to combine to give the speeches they would not have half the space to give half the—twaddle be was going to say—but the important speeches delivered. Now he had asked in the Provincial Council the other evening why it was that they taxed education only. He had referred to a Vi ry important work called the Waimakariri Gorge bridge, which when complete would increase the value of property in that district cent per cent. Now, did the Government say to the people of the district you must contribute one-sixth of the cost of this work ? Not at all, but yet not only did they ask for one-sixth for building these schools, but they asked them to pay one half. Where was the justice and equity of this ? Why select education out of everything else to tax ? He contended that had this one half been enforced the Government would have found that the rate of Is in the £ would be totally inadequate to provide their portion of the amount, and he said that in Christchurch East it would cost some 3s in the £ to have raised it. This would have been the result of the one half. Not only this, but there was a certain religious denomination, whom it was impossible not to admire for their constancy to their conscientious principles, upon whom it would press very hardly and very unjustly, because they would be paying heavily for schools which they could not by any possibility use. Now, what he said was this, that there was ample funds out of unexpended votes, votes which it was impossible to spend, out of which the Government could afford to spend sufficient to erect these buildings. As it was now, the East Christchurch district would have, in addition to the municipal rates and others, to raise an additional rate of Is in the £l. Money was voted lavishly by the Provincial Council for the erection of bridges over rivers which were safely passable for eleven months out of the year, and yet they refused to vote the paltry pittance of £15,000 for the purpose of erecting these buildings for their schools. He might tell them that the school fees now pressed heavily alike on rich and poor, and yet they had a member standing up in the Provincial Council last evening, and saying that it was an insult to suppose that the working classes could not afford to pay these school fees, and said further that if he (Mr Williams) moved to reduce them, he would like to see them quadrupled and increased by £l instead of ss. [Cries of “ Turn him out” and “ Name.”] His (Mr Williams’) reply to that was that the taxation, though ;it might be small, yet pressed more heavily upon the man working for his daily bread than upon the professional man, because the means and resources of the former was more limited than those of the latter. He was glad to say that ere long there would be a general election for the General Assembly, when they would hear what the advocates of the increased tax had to say for themselves, and he thought that what had taken place in the recent session of the Provincial Council would not be forgotten by the electors when those gentlemen came forward for re-election, and he might say that he should be foremost amongst them. There could be no doubt that professions made upon the hustings were very easily forgotten—[hear, hear] —and altogether ignored, as had been the oase in many instances. He again repeated that these taxes pressed far more heavily upon the working classes than on the professional classes. The former weie unable to carry on, and get the credit that the latter were. They must recollect that the former had to rely upon a precarious labor market, and were therefore not upon an equal footing with the rest of the community. This should be taken into consideration when the question of taxation was considered, and it should therefore be adjusted in such a way as to become easy to them. In conclusion, though he had not spoken a word to his Honor on the subject, he might say that he hoped his Honor would not be afraid to exercise his constitutional right of vetoing a Bill which he considered was prejudicial to the best interests of education in the province. [Loud and continued cheering.] • He hoped that large meeting would unanimously carry this resolution, and that it would have effect. [Loud and continued cheering. | Mr S. P. Andrews said the resolution had his entire concurrence. Several points he agreed with on this education question, but there were some with which he (Mr Andrews) did not agree to. He could not approve of nominated Boards, because he believed it was impossible for local committees to work with a nominated Board. However, this was beside the question, which was to consider whether the Bill should be requested to be held over. The Superintendent had not waited until the prorogation to disallow the Bill, but had sent down amendments. They could hardly be called amendments, because they contained the framework of a totally new Bill. He (Mr Andrews) had said very little on this Education Bill, because it was a matter of impossibility for any one to speak on a question, knowing that the minds of all were made up. This was the case with the Education Bill going through the Council. He might say that the action of the Superintendent, in having taken this course, had resulted in great confusion and discord amongst the members. He (Mr Andrews) would rather have seen Ihe Superintendent veto and disallow the Bill rather than send it back as he had done. He would say that no effort of the Superintendent would alter the opinion of those in the majority. [Hisses.] The majority on the clauses of the Bill had been too large in each case, and when they saw a majority who were determined not to alter their minds, he (Mr Andrews) thought that the action of the Superintendent had been absurd and ill-advised. [Hisses, and cries of “ Dissolve the Council then.”] The proper way would have been for the Superintendent to have disallowed the Bill, and then the question would be in the position which the Superintendent and the general body of the public desired to see it. [Hear, hear. 1 He hoped that if the Council sent back the Bill

to the Superintendent, he would exercise the right he possessed and veto the Bill. Mr Alfred Saunders said he was pleased to see so large a meeting as that before him that evening, because in his ignorance of public affairs in this province he had come to the conclusion that the people of Canterbury were willing to submit to anything, and to see anything done in the Provincial Council without moving in a great and united manner. If there was one question more than another in which the working man was interested it was that of popular education. Beyond this, however, they had to consider whether the Education Ordinance was administered by a friend or a foe; and he would ask why should a most obnoxious tax be raised only on the education question. But he would remind the meeting that the gentlemen who led in this matter had spoken freely on this subject. Sir Cracroft Wilson had said that there was too much education, and that they were spoiling the working man by over education. As to Mr Haskell's opinions and those of the denomination with whom he was connected, they were well known. He believed that Mr Maskell would believe that he had done God good service by doing away with their present popular Education Act, [Loud cheers.] This, however, he thought was not the feeling of the people, and he hoped to see the working men rise as one man to help on any political movement which had for its object the conservation of their present popular Education Act. He did not agree with Mr Andrews as to the course adopted by the Superintendent, because if he had comedown to the Council, and vetoed the Bill without any previous warning, the Council might fairly have charged him with almost dishonesty, and certainly with discourtesy. Therefore the Superintendent by taking the step he had done had only taken the proper constitutional method, and he ventured to say that he could not have taken his stand upon a question more important than this or one upon which he would receive a more unanimous and general support from the people of the province. [Loud cheers.] There was he felt no chance of the amendments being accepted by the Council, but even should his Honor exercise tie large power placed in his hands by the Constitution Act and veto the Bill, he would have the unanimous and hearty support of the people. [Loud and continued cheers.] Now, as regarded taxation, it was his opinion that the proper mode was by indirect taxation, and the more so because any class taxation which would have the effect of driving away labor would affect the employers of labor as much as the laborers themselves. As a stranger he felt he had occupied their time, but he hoped they all felt with him on this great question. Their only hope was now in the Superintendent exercising the power he possessed. They must recollect that the Superintendent was not a mere dummy or puppet of the Executive or Provincial Councils; he was the elected of the people, and if he flinched from his duty now he was not the man he took him for. [Loud and continued cheers.] Mr John Inglis said that he thought Mr Saunders had hit the right nail on the head when he said that it was not a matter of whether the department should be administered by a secretary or a Minister, or the Board, but whether the Ordinance was to be administered by friends or foes. [Loud cheers.] They might suppose that the work of carrying on the Board was a very heavy task, but it was a labor of love for the members of the Board, and if the Provincial Council had decided upon the Board being retained, they would have continued at their posts. As regarded the motion before the meeting, he quite agreed with it, because the Ordinance was an ill-considered one, though the drafting of a portion of it was due to Mr Williams. [Laughter.] But it was not a labor of love, and Mr Williams, early in the preparation of the Bill, showed evident signs of disagreement with his brethren. Beyond this, he thought that the proposition to increase the contribution to one-half was a clear and lucid exposition of of the intention of the Government to check the spread of education throughout the province. Now, as regarded the appointment of a Minister of Education, he said advisedly that it was perfectly impossible to be carried out. As he had said, it simply meant on the part of the Government an attempt to stop the progress of education throughout the province. He saw this clearly when he offered to give the Government any information on the estimates, He saw then that all they intended to do was not to give any amount for buildings, but simply to give so much and no more. Therefore he said there was no doubt about the intention of the Government to stop the progress of education, This was a young country, and they must not forget that the large expenditure for buildings had been caused by the large increase of population, and that it was their bounden duty to provide education for the rising generation; When the Ordinance was first introduced they had brought before them the fact that numbers of children were growing up around them without the least education being given to them. Well, their institutions had achieved great results, and they had reason to glory in them and be proud of them—[cheers]—instead of trying to destroy them. [Cheers.] It had been said that they were over-educating, but he contended that every man had a right to have the opportunity of receiving such an education as would fit him for any position in the colony. He said this that the actions of men holding the position of representing public opinion as the members of the Provincial Council in respect to the Museum, College, &c, and education generally, were a disgrace to the province. [Loud cheers.] Whatever might betide, if the Board of Education were to be swept away, he (Mr Inglis) would always have a warm interest in the cause of education, [Cheers,] Regarding the action of his Honor the Superintendent, he quite agreed with what had been said by Mr Saunders on this question. No other course was open to him when a Bill containing provisions which in his opinion was detrimental to the best interests of the province was submitted to him. [Loud cheers.] The resolution was then put and carried unanimously, amid loud and prolonged cheers. Mr Gapes came forward to propose the second resolution. He quite agreed with the action of the Superintendent in this matter, as he considered that he could not have done anything else. He trusted that the Superintendent would veto the Bill for the sake of the people of the province. The resolution be had to propose was as follows —“ That his Worship the Mayor be requested to forward a copy of the above resolution to his Honor the Superintendent and to Sir Cracroft Wilson, President of the Executive, and that a petition to the Provincial Council embodying the first resolution be signed by

his Worship the Mayor on behalf of this meeting.’’ [Cheers.] Dr Foster came forward to second the motion. He was glad to have come forward on an occasion when education was in danger, and when the citizens of Christchurch had come so zealously to the rescue. He thought that while the Superintendent, the Executive, Provinchl Council, and that meeting hereafter would be exposed to criticism, under any circumstances he contended the public meeting would come out fully exonerated. It had been said that his Honor should have communicated with his Executive and given them the subject of that splendid message. But whether this was done or not was nothing to the meeting; the education of the children of the people was a sacred trust, too sacred to be put at the disposal of a log-rolling majority to be thrown from hand to hand. Woe to that Ministry, and woe to the Executive who trifled with the education of the children of the people. Now as to the question of the veto; that was a matter for the personal responsibility of the Superintendent. He would be able to see, from his long legislative experience, and his well-known educational experience, whether this Bill was a proper subject upon which to exercise his veto. Then if he found, as he (Dr Forster) believed he would, that this Bill was not Wanted, that it was against the wishes of the population of the province, and carried through the Council by a logrolling majority, then he thought this was a most proper subject for the exercise of his power of veto. [Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) At the Heathcote election Sir Cracroft Wilson had given pledge after pledge that he would not alter the Education Bill, and he would not say that he had been disloyal, but he would say that he had been misguided, and that was the next worst fault in a Minister. [Loud cheers.] As to Mr Maskell, he had told them that he was opposed to the system honestly and fairly enough ; but while he did this he looked upon it that any Executive which introduced a measure likely to loosen the hold that education had now got on their institutions were traitors to the cause of education, and had no cause to complain of any action taken by the Superintendent or by that meeting. [ Cheers,] Should the Superintendent feel it his duty to veto the Bill, he hoped he would go still further, and appeal to the constituencies—[hear, hear] —and then he (Dr Foster) would have very great pleasure in meeting Sir Cracroft Wilson, and putting it to the electors who had stuck to the opinions expressed to them. [Cheers.] The motion was then put and carried unanimously. A vote of thanks to the Mayor, proposed by Mr T. D. Jones, closed the proceedings, which were most ordeily and unanimous throughout.