The Gisborne Standard AND COOK COUNTY GAZETTE. Published Every Tuesday, Thursday, AND Saturday Morning. Tuesday, August 26, 1890. THE HUTCHISON CHARGES.

Gisborne Standard and Cook County Gazette, Volume IV, Issue 498, 26 August 1890, Page 2

The Gisborne Standard AND COOK COUNTY GAZETTE. Published Every Tuesday, Thursday, AND Saturday Morning.

Tuesday, August 26, 1890. THE HUTCHISON CHARGES.

Be just and fear not; Let all the ends thou aim’st at bo thy oountry’e, Thy God’s, and truth’s.

• The now famous “ Hutchison charges ” are leading to definite point. It seems > the matter is to be fought out in a Court of law. That may be very inconvenient and expensive for Mr Hutchison, and it also has the suspicion of being intended ( to delay matters until after the general j election, but it is clear that something > requires to be done if the honor of the colony is to be upheld. The charges are 1 so serious that they cannot quietly be relegated to oblivion. Had the Govern- ’ ment been as anxious as they pretend, the disclosing of the condition of private accounts would have facilitated matters, but as they prefer to make use of their party majority to stifle the work of the Committee, some more cumbrous method requires to be adopted. If obstacles have been placed in the way of proof, the Government, or individual members, must now take upon themselves the responsibility of disproof. There are those who profess to think that the Bank officials would never venture to use its power in the way suggested, even had it the opportunities. Of course not ; their patriotism is unbounded! But there are some hard facts to swallow before we can accept such a conclusion as unquestionable. Mr A. Saunders, M.H.R., is a politician much respected for his straightforwardness, though his reputation of being a “faddist” often leads to merrymaking at his expense. In the course of the discussion in the House he had a curious tale to tell. He stated “ I say that no man ought to have any right to sit on those benches, or to administer the government of this country, and undertake to deal on our behalf with the Bank of New Zealand, unless he was entirely free from all restraint, and all obligation to that Bank. I know it has been said to-night, and I regretted to hear it said, that the Bank of New Zealand would not use its influence improperly with any member of the Government. I think that when once men are placed in such a position with regard to the Bank, and become under a deep obligation in their transactions with that Bank, they can really hardly know how far they are influenced by feelings of dependence or gratitude, nor can they ever be sure themselves that such feelings have no influence on their Ministerial duties. However, it is a painful position, and I may illustrate what I mean by a circumstance that I think bears very strongly upon this case, and which I think will show you, sir, and this House, that I have the best reasons for saying the Bank of New Zealand is not above using its influence when it is in a position to do so. It is about eleven years ago that I thought myself a wealthy, affluent man one day, and the next day I had not a farthing left in the world. Fortunately I was in no one’s debt, and I owed nothing to the Bank ; but unfortunately one of my sons was in some degree connected with the Bank, and in some degree under its thumb. I think it was on some occasion in the House when a question came before it in connection with the purchase of some district railways ; Mr Driver was in the House at the time, and was supposed to represent the Bank of New Zealand. He came to me, knowing my circumstances, and how deep my sympathies were for my son, and how much that son was just then at the mercy of the Bank, and told me that the Bank wished me to vote in a certain direction, I said to him that if 1 had a vole in the direction the Bank i

wished, I would resign my seat to-morrow, as I would never betray a constituency by pretending to represent it when really I only represented the Bank of New Zealand. The next day I saw about twenty notes come into this chamber. One was handed to me, and the rest were handed round the House. I opened mine, and found that it was a message to the same effect, that the Bank wished me to vote in a certain direction, and I never felt so much humiliated. I sat down to consider whether I ought to resign my seat or not, but I never considered for a moment whether I ought to obey that note or not. This shows in the most practical manner the Bank is not above using its influence. If it was worth their while to stoop so low for my insignificant vote, is it likely that they would bring no influence to bear on Ministers, who could put hundreds of thousands of our money into their hands ? Flow unlikely then is it that a Government, the majority of whom seem to have been under some obligation to the Bank, would act on the part of the country in the same independent manner as they should have done ? I want to know nothing more. I believe that members of the Government either are, or have been, in the hands of the Bank, and if they are not in its hands now, they are out of its hands simply through obligation to the Bank, and they are not in a positiou to sit on those benches.”

Of course this is said to have happened eleven years ago, and strange things were done in those times—things that there was no Hutchison to unearth. Times have changed greatly, and the dealings of public men are closely watched and vigorously criticised, but Mr Saunders’ disclosure at least proves that monetary institutions are not by any means beyond reproach.