ENGLISH RADICALS AND IRISH POLITICS.
♦ We taking the following article from the National Reformer, of which, Mr Charles Bradlaogh, M.P., is the editor: ' Politics in this country is normally a game of compromises— a taking here, a giving thenvr-tin attempted equipoise of confl'etinii opinions, demand?, and inter* ests without any strict consideration of principle. Radicalism on the contrary, is a political philosophy based on rules without exceptions, on laws without change, the principle which especially distinguishes it as a practical system being universality. The Radicalism which obtains in England is wanting in this allround quality ; it resembles a wheel with a sector cut out, tbe hiatus of each revolution causing so severo a jolt as to throw tbe whole machinery out of gear. A close study of English Radicals— with notable exceptions certainly— shows that they are Englishmen first, Radicals after —that whilst they are effusively radical in their views as. to foreign countries. en> thusiastic for the enfranchisement of Poland, clamorous for the autonomy happily obtained by. Hungary, going into hsst<rici over oppressed Boigariaw, yet, in the case of Ireland, unreasoning, stub* born, despotic, and cruel to a degree which makes them justly regarded by other nations as selfish and hypocritical. What is the spectacle presented to tbe world in the Ireland of to»day, For seven hundred years England has been unsuccessfully trying to govern it, and the outcome of her administration is such as should send a blush of shame to the cheek, and a thrill of horror to the con. science, of every thoughtful man of English or of Scottish blood. Let us not deceive ourselves. Ireland is as much held by tbe power of the sword in the reign of Queen Victoria as it was in the time of Elizabeth or of Cromwell. If dragons' teeth have been sown in the past, the crops that have been, and are even now being reaped, are exactly what mij»bt have been expected from such seed, and it is the firm conviction, deplore it as we may, in the minds of the majority of Ireland's best sons, that England will not do their country justice — will not release her grasp except by force. If Ireland by herself or by alliances, during possible European complications, were to attain military strength sufficient to give serious trouble to the British army, with a bare chance of success in tbe field, she would certainly be justified by the law of nations, if not also by that of morals, in using it to achieve ber national, or at least her federal independence. Why is i>, how is it, let us ask, that Englishmen should be so purblind to the mote in their own eye, and so sharp to detect tbe beam in tbe eye of Russia or of Turkey P It it because Ireland touches their pride se governing, dominant people ? Is it that the truth is being reluctantly forced on each succeeding generation that the seven centuries of England's dreary, disastrous rule has been one long and unbrokec failure P Is it that Englishmen do no) know tbe true history of Ireland, but i false and perverted travesty? It is t safe assertion to hazird that not one in ten thousand professedly intelligent men in this country has read the sad record from an Irish standpoint. Rather nave not the 9,999 got what knowledge they have from the pages of prejudiced English historians, treating Ireland as a conquered, rebellious, treasonable province P in all the arguments of our contem* porary press, in the view of every modern British writer, it is lamentable to find one idea pertinaciously and invariably under, lying every proposal and every theory in relation to Ireland. It is that under no conceivable combination of circumstances, and at no measurable distance of time, can Ireland, or shall Ireland, secure tbe political freedom to which she aspires. An integral part of England she is and must continue to be. That is the besall and end-all of English political reasoning. A union conceived in perfidy and carried out by corruption unparalleled consecrated the bond between England and Ireland, and the history of the four* score years of that infamous treaty ex« bibits to us what P A happy, contented, prosperous, nation P Kay, verily. Sue cessive famines, recurring with almost calculable regularity, haye desolated the country and decimated the people. The miseries of the hunger.fever, with it! concomitant diseases, killed the weak and enfeebled the strong time after time, Coercion Acts, Arms Acts, Conspiracy Acts, Suspension of Habeas Corpus, civil war, trials for treason and treason* felony, condemnation of her most patriotic and gifted sons to imprisonment and death, aye, and to worse tban death, to the companionship of tbe vilest and most dei prayed criminals of England in hulk and penal settlement! And let it not be forgotten by our generation that when such dire events were taking place — it it within the memories of men o\ middle age— Lord Russell and other Minister! always professed to be acting/or tie good of the people of Ireland, and were credited, just as Mr Gladstone is, with good intentions and beneficent acts. In the time of the country's extremest agony Lord Russell's remedy was * poor law,' and 'more poor law,' yet the people starved, discontent continued to prevail, and by hundreds of thousands they fled as from a charnel house, to a more hos« pitable land, where, within a quarter of a century, they became a great power,
counted by millions, and possesse^^^| one universal all-absorbing passio^^H bitter hatred towards England, am^^H unquenchable desire for ber downfall^^H English Radicals deprecate tbe a^^H of tbe patriotic party of Ireland, condemn Mr Parnell and his coadj^^H of tbe Land League because they de^^| to trust the benevolent intentions O^^H Gladstone and the cooperation of^^H advanced Liberals. It is palpable^^H Parnell does not see eye to eje ibem. Last year he tried to impres^^H this country that famine was immi^^| in Ireland, but the British Pres*,^^| public men too, who ought to have kn^^H better, did everything in their row^^H discredit his warnings ; and, find^^| himself treated as an alarmist, lo^^| hope of adequate British aid to save^^| lives of his countrymen, he appealed^^| the United States, an appeal which met by a response magnificent in chai^^f ter and in volume. Let us push a i>|^| further back the enquiry why Mr E^^J nell does not trust the English peo^^J and its representatives. In the Par^^J ment of 186S to 1874 Mr Gladstone cared that he, the Prime Minic^^f would compete with John Martin for Ireland according to Irish ideas. 1 Wi^^J oat detracting from Mr Gladtfton^H merits and bonesty of purpose, or d^H counting the fulfilment of hi* promise^H cannot he denied that his two gr^H measures for the removal of Irish di*co^H tent - the Church Act and the Land il^H —have come immeasurably short of tb^H anticipated benefits. Doubtless had knowledge of the Irish people and th^H needs been in accordance with his z*^H the issues might have been very diffi^H ent. Tbe then political leader of t^H Irish nation, Isaac Butt, was as coustit^H tional an agitator as ever spoke frd^H platform, but what fruit came of l^H years of toil and service P Why, lit^H more than a paltry amendment or two^H measures relating to County Governme^H and Education— important no doubt, b^H scarcely affecting by a feather's weig^H the mighty questions which have press^H on the Irish people for centuries. Ai^H when Mr Butt introduced bis motion f^H Home Rule in tbe British Pnrliamen^H himself and his party were patronising^^ invited to gire up such * sentimental grievances/ and to bring in ' practical measures' for Ireland. This invitatid^H met with prompt and full response. T^M all, somewhere over a hundred measur^J of various kinds— Bills relating to ti^J Saffrage— to the Poor Lavs —to Prisoi^B —Roads— Grand Jury— Local Taxatio^J — Fisheries — and other administrati^J matters— were introduced by Irish menS bers— all of the- 'practical* cbaraet^B suggested by Mr Gladstone, But * tIH mountain in labor ' produced tbe prove^J bia) ' mouse.' Of the grand total almo^J every one was shunted, shelved, or talkeH out— seven only reaching the formalilH of a second reading, and not a single onH of the group passing into law ! Durinfl later periods of Mr Butt's qoodnatorsH but feeble reign, a young man of tlfl party was quietly but resolutely qualifjH ing himself for more energetic action ofl behalf of Ireland, and although tbfl British presss has been unweariedly profl claiming the ' utter mediocrity ' anfl ' absence of enthusiasm ' of Mr ParnelH it cannot be gainsaid that he has sucfl ceeded in ronsing attention to tbe press! ing needs of his country with prohabilifl ties of practical issues mightier than anjfl which sprung from the lifelong conflicfl of O'Connell, or the episodical careers ofl the leaders of the ' Young Ireland ! party. It is said, *Oh I but Mr Parnel! should not despise the alliance of English! "Radicals, and denounce tbe Ministry! Parliament, and everything English sol unsparingly.' Let us inquire whether! there is warrant for him relying on any! English party with the experience of last! session so fresh in his memory. If, as is! claimed, the present Government is a! Radical Government, the creation on Radical feeling throughout the country.! why did not the advanced section of the! House take a bold, independent course! when the Lords, with ostentatious con* l tempt, ignominiously kicked out thel ' Compensation for Disturbance Bill 'P Thj large majority which passed it in the Commons proved they considered it ' urgent,' yet how meekly did the Commons receive the affront from the Upper House ! Why did they not say to Mr Gladstone in plain terms : * Such measures as this are indispensable for the welfare and good government of Ireland. At this supreme crisis in her condition, we, tbe Libera! party, are pre* pared to sit here till October— through I November— on to Christmas, or Easter if I need be, to legislate fbr this suffering country,' But no ! tbe • roaring 'of the Radicals * was gentle .as that of sucking doves.' Ireland might be exposed to tbe wiles of dangerous agitators — lawlessness, anarchy, social disorganisation, might ensue, but— ' the session had been un« usually protracted ' — not only St. Grouse's Day had passed, but St. Par* tridge's also — therefore Ireland must be left to her fate— to sink into the gloom of despondency, or emerge in the glare of Civil War Speaking at En* niskillen recently, he (Sir Parnell) said : "Tbe teaching of the National Lind League is simply this— we preach tbe principle that the land of the country should belong to the people of the country. (Cheers.) We point to the example of every civilised country whero
the feudal land tenure bas been tried and found wanting- We show yoa that in ©very other European country feudal tenure has been given up arid has been replaced by one under which the people own the land they till. (Cheers.) We show that in Ireland this feudal tenure has worked worse and has been attended with more suffering sod misfortune for the r«ople than in any other country -m Cheers— and we also show that this system, which has been tried and found wanting in every European country, must go in Ireland and in England as it has •none all over Europe. (CheersO And show do we purpose to work ? We purpose to work by the simple, legal nnd •constitutional method of combination. (Cheers.) We wish to organic <lw »en* •anfry of Ireland, exclusive of all creed«. ; *We wish to organise them into one solid mass for mutual protection, so that if the tenant in the fcputk is struck down by an unjust landlord, the tenant in the north shall be ready to protect him, and if, on > the other hand, the tenant in the north is wjared the tenantry in the south may be rea3y to help. (Cheers^ We call on the tenant farmer* of Ireland to pledge j -themselves that they will a»k for a suit- , able and fair rednotiost of fMk-ftntr, end. that if a tenant is evicted for refusal or, inability to psy an unjust rent, no other tenant farmer shall tske bis place or step into that farm, and we «lc shopkeepers in the towns to assist us in tbis programme, and we believe if you combine uroongat yourselves, in fact we feel sore, if you combine the feudal land-tenure ) .cannot htand and that it will have to give Viace to a system of the tenure of the land of a national character. W;e wish 1o teach the tenant Tamer to rely on eon« stitutional taA peaceable methods. (Cheers) We wish te direst his mind from looking to the wild justice of re♦enge as his only jteiour.ee. end we can point to the results wbien hsve followed , wherever our orgeoisstioft uss spread in proof of the fact tbst outrages have si* ways sensed where tfce people have be* come organised— where the people have been t««ght the fjowet of public opinion for the redress of their grievances, sgrar* ian crime sod outage have a'wajs ceased and we say that the National Land Lergue of Ireland, while it has ssved many thousands of tenant! from eviction, { has also ssved the lives of maty land* ! lords and many / agents. Tbis is, then, our short and simple programme, and I feel convinced that if we can once organise Ireland, agrarian outrage will ce«e and also eviction? and we ask yoa, the Protestants and Catholics of the North, to join hsnd-in-hand with as and help us to trake an unbroken line from Cork to. Belfal l —sn unbroken line to op. . pose and lo sueeestfiilly oppose, landlord j oppression, and to obtain for the people of Irelnrwl their owu land. (Cheers.). . . I would ask all fair»minded Englishmen end especially Radicals, to weigh well these eloquent words— to bear in mind what a bitter cup life is to' the unfortunate peasantry of Ireland ; that the tight of helpless misery— of women and child, ren starving, homeless and hopeless— is not conducive to speaking * With bated ' breath and whispering humbleness*— and that this is in a land, nor thousands of miles sway, but within a few hours of our owe homes ; tbst it is a land dear to the Irish people despite tbeir privations. ; and in which they might Kve in comfort I and content, but that Man's inbumautty to man Makes countless thousands mourn.
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Inangahua Times, Volume II, Issue II, 7 February 1881, Page 2
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2,417ENGLISH RADICALS AND IRISH POLITICS. Inangahua Times, Volume II, Issue II, 7 February 1881, Page 2
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