MAJOR ATKINSON AT THE THEATRE.

New Zealand Times, Volume XLII, Issue 7174, 23 May 1884, Page 6

MAJOR ATKINSON AT THE THEATRE.

The Hon. the Premier, Major ATKINSON, addressed a public meeting in tho Theatre .Royal Tuesday evening. The audience on this occasion was one of the largest ever seen in the theatre, every part of which was crowded to excess. The platform was occupied by a number of gentlemen representing the commercial and political interests of the city. Mr JOHN DUTHIE, who occupied the chair, said the meeting was called in response to a largely-signed requisition to the Premier. At the present moment many very large questions were occupying the attention of the public men of the colony. They were on the very eve of the expenditure of the remaining portion of the last further borrowing was a* question requiring a deal of thought. ( Insular separation and the incidence of taxation were other great and important topics. It was well that a man of Major Atkinson’s position in the colony should address the people of Wellington on these matters. He would not ask an attentive hearing for the Premier, because there was no need to do so; Major Atkinson might rely upon an attentive and quiet hearing. Major ATKINSON, who was received with applause, said:—Mr Chairman, ladies and gentlemen,—lt is with great pleasure that I meet you this evening in response to the requisition which the chairman .has referred to. There are many important questions requiring the consideration of the electors, and the difficulty I ain under is to select those you desire my opinion upon. In selecting my subjects I have endeavored to choose those which appear to me to require careful consideration, and which the public mind is not well informed upon. A great difficulty: which besets all Governments in New Zealand is that there are no broad party lines, which the constitution supposes to exist.. The parties are not divided into two on any broad matter of principle ; it is rather a question of men than measures. (Applause.) And although I believe in men rather than measures, it is necessary that there should be laid down some broody line upon which to act. Before the Provincial Governments were abolished there was always a line such as I speak of. One party contended for one large colony, and the other party for independent States. It is not true that the socalled Provinciallsts were in favor of local government. But since then wo have been very much disorganised. At the present time we have three parties in Parliament —the Government party, that under Sir George Grey, and the other under Mr Montgomery; and the difference between the Montgomery and Grey parties is as great as that between the Government and either of the other two. (Applause.) But now one of the leaders of the Opposition (by no means the strongest, for Mr Montgomery is practically in the hands of Sir George Grey, who is the actual leader, while Mr Montgomery is powerless), now Mr Montgomery has unfurled his flag; and what is it? It is “that Christchurch and. Otago are no longer to_ be the milch cow of Wellington and Taranaki.” But he has never provedhis statement,and he cannot do so. (Applause.) Mr Montgomery inscribes on his banner, “Separation of the Colony.” What does that lead to ? X am not going to inquire into that, because when Mr Montgomery’s motions are brought forward I shall know how to answer them. (Applause.) Mr Montgomery says he has thought tbe question out. At any rate, he has never given his thoughts to the country, and I venture to say that he- cannot. (Applause.) But 1 will not knock this man of straw of Mr Montgomery’s down; wa will wait till Mr Montgomery brings his man of straw out, and then we will knock him down, (Applause.) But £ will call your attention to the assertion about the milch cow. This assertion is made on the ground of the large expenditure upon public works. When the public works scheme was first introduced, it was, distinctly understood that there was to be a main trunk line throughout the colony. But we allowed that line to stand over; we agreed that the lines which would pay the best should be gone on with first, always on the understanding that this line should be pushed en. And we have waited long enough. (Applause.) Then, gentlemen, 1 would leave that subject for the present. 1 am perfectly satisfied that the people of the South Island will reject Mr Montgomery’s proposal just as. much as will those of the North Island. (Loud applause.) I am quite certain that we shall remain one united colony. (Applause.) Then, we are told that the property tax should be abolished, and an income tax and a land tax put in its stead. Now, the first thing do is to consider what we desire to accomplish by taxation. X want to show you the difference between a property tax and an income tax. A property tax Is levied on a certain amount, of real estate. It says that whatever a man possesses —whatever he can leave behind him when be dies—shall be liable to taxation. An Income tax, on the other hand, takes in a portion of a man’s earnings. (Applause.) The skill of tbe artist, the professor of medicine, and other similar men, is taken into consideration. Now, the property tax taxes, in the first place, realised property—property separated from the man himself, but. retained to, his: use by the laws of the State, Let me put an Instance. Two men come to the colony with, say, LSOOO each. Each man .buys a farm of equal value, and if they possess equal skill and thrift, they should make an equal amount of piofit. But suppose one is industrious and he other is idle. The one would soon have no money left, while the other would make, perhaps, 20 per cent., so that the income tax taxes the thrifty man four tunes as much as tho idle and careless one. (Applause.) Why should this be ? (Applause.) It should be taken out of the real estate. I will go further, and look at the small man with LIOOO. If he is to live, he must make 20 per cent. . But as for tt\e large man, it is quite enough for him if he makes 10 per cent. There, you see, capital escapes, and industry is taken in. Take the gentleman with a large amount ,of property. He fills hia house with luxurious furniture, and the whole of that furniture escapes under an income tax. You will see from beginning to end, ladies and gentlemen, the income tax lets off the large man as against the small one. (Applause,) The property tax catches and deals with all equally. But there is one class of men that people ; complain of escaping the property tax. They say, Here is a man making LIOOO a year professionally, and no tax is made upon him—he escapes. But is that so ? Where are your Customs duties ? If that man spends LSOO ,he certainly contributes Ll3O to the colony. Take, as against this, the case of the saving man. Suppose, Instead; of spending this amount, he saves LSOO, that is a direct loss to the State as far as taxation is concerned, (Applause.) It is true he must pay L2 Is 8d on tne LSOO next year; but if he had spent the amount, the least he could ; pay to the colony was L6O. It is not altogether true to suppose that professional men altogether escape taxation. It is quite true, if we only look at the property tax; but ours is a large taxation scheme. All authorities are agreed that a levy should be made not upon the earnings of the man, but upon the expenditure he .makes. (Applause.) Then a point to be determined Is why do you wish' to tax the Industry of the man in addition to his property or accumulated wealth 2 (Applause.) .If you look at the men of wealth throughout the colony, you will find that they pay more under the property tax than they would under a Is income tax. Now let us look at the laud tax. What is it! What do we want to do with it ? Mr Montgomery’s tax has two objects. It is to increase tbe revenue, and it is to be a penal tax. It is a great mistake, it seems to me, to attempt to combine two objects In one tax, especially if one of those objects is to increase the revenue. (Applause.) For if the large estates continue to pay the tax, we are defeated in the attempt to break up those large estates; and if the large landholders do not pay the revenue is injured. It must be borne in mind that the present time is . a very heavy one for laud taxes. Under the property tax, the whole' of the land pays |d in the pound on its value. Before consenting to any fresh tax, it should be shown why the struggling class of the colony is to be subjected to a special taxation. It is true that the-main ground of such a tax is to prevent, the rich from purchasing land at a small price; but it is manifestly unjust to take advantage by imposing a tax upon a very large class of struggling: settlers. (Applause). There is no doubt, ladies and gentlemen, that we are dependent upon'the produce of the land, (Applause.) We are begging people to go on the land; and, according- to Mr Montgomery’s ideas, we should say in (be same breath, II

you go on the land, you must bear ji special burden. Further, I say the imposition of a land tax means the confiscation ot so much land. If we impose a tax on land, in perpetuity, it is quite certain a purchaser would capitalise tho tax. He would say, “ Tho« land is worth so much, aud I shall have to pay so much taxes. ~.Therefore, the tax must be taken into consideration in the price. Thus, a land tax is practically a confiscation of so much of the land of the present holders. (Applause.) Some people said a tax was put on everything by tho property tax ; but that is a tax by which the State appropriates a certain amount from everybody—the sovereigns are taken in as well as the people. (Applause.) So that it is not one class, but all, who contribute according to their means. (Applause.) Now, ladies and gentlemen, I * cannot believe for a that the colony will ever submit to a land tax again. The settlers throughfe the colony would never agree to it. We have now the property tax—a tax touching everything—and as fair as any tho colony ever possessed. (Applause.) I have not attempted to exhaust the question, but I hope* I have said enough to set you thinking. (Applause.) The only ground advanced for a land tax is the breaking up of large estates —estates acquired under the due course of tho law, I believe, as many do, that the laud belongs to the country and the people. (Applause.) I go further than that. Every public citizen and everything he possesses belongs to the country. Many of us in this room to-night have had practical practical experience of that when we were brought under the requirements of' war. That was reasonable and right. (Applause.) I would submit to it, gentlemen, again to-morrow if the State required it. If there is one subject upon which I feel more , strongly than another and which I feel more inclined to speak upon than any other,* it is that of charitable aid and hospital grants. I desire more especially to dwell upon this ques- : tiou as it is one that for the good of the colony, should be borne in mind, as it is a question that saps the very foundation and well-being of the colony, I say without hesitation that if we do not exert ourselves we shall breed a race of paupers. Something must be done, and must be done at once. Some systematic effort must be made—(Applause.)—and no effort should be spared either by the people or ty the Parliament in "accomplishing this end. I have hitherto, and I trust ever shall, object to a poor rate. (Great applause.) lam aware —as all of us are—that the poor should b e supported, but I object to this support being given wholly out of the revenue of the colony. If tho colony is called upon to bear this burden, we shall fall into a difficulty which might, and which should be obviated by the burden falling upon the local bodies. The fact is, ladies and gentlemen, the local bodies are responsible for the care of the poor. (Applause.) It was their province, to look after the matter of supervision, leaving to the General Government the question of expenditure. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, it is needless for me to say that I am in favor of % system of National Assurance., I am convinced that we must come to that, (Applause ■ and dissent.) Gentlemen, I gave this as my decided opinion some time ago, and I am still convinced that we must embrace this system. ("No, no.”) Well, at any rate, gentlemen, I still advance it as my conviction. It is imperative at any rate that we should have the question decided, but unless this is done by an overwhelming majority it cannot of course be accomplished. (Dr. Grace ;It never will be done.) My friend, Dr. Grace, says it never will be done. Well, we shall have to deal with the, subject during- the coming session, and shall have to decide how we should rid of the question. The fact remains, ladies and gentlemen, that the thrifty have to provide for the unthrifty. All I beg of you is not to sit with your hands in your pockets. At the_ present time it appears that it is nobody’s business. I admit the question is one of great difficulty, but I still adhere to the belief that unless something is done in the way of National Insurance, the question of pauperism would still remain. Against all opposition—and I admit that at present there is a strange and to my mind an accountable opposition to my proposition of a national assurance —it will be my effort to follow and carry out the scheme.. We have the lines of the Friendly Societies to go upon. Some people have stated that they did not understand the question of a national assurance. (A cry: We do not.) But the question is one which should be kept in view on broad and comprehensive principles, and I for one will never remain content till the scheme I advocate is adopted. I sincerely trust that Parliament will never rest until it has decided the question. The burden will be lifted, of course, from one shoulder fo the other, but then this will be a relief. (Laughter.) The local bodies do not at present bear their proper burden, and certainly they should do something more, more especially as everybody is aware that nearly the whole of the suffering of the race Is. attributable to the curse of drink. (Applause.) Therefore it may be hoped Parliament will consent to the local bodies contributing to the extent of half of the burden of supporting the indigent, and if this be dona the idea will be imbued in the mind of every right-thinking man that he is , responsible for his brother. The tenure of land is a question with which I will nob trouble you, but you all know the grave issues which have arisen in the Old Country between landlord and tenant. A large area of the State lands has been alienated frorn the Crown, but the State still owns 26 million acres, and it seems wise that Parliament should ascertain what can be done towards effecting an arrangement between freeholders and tenure-holders. The question can f< I believe, be arranged satisfactorily to all parties. There is one other question : The Maoris own between 13 and 14 millions of acres in the colony, and the Government will either have to throw this land open to selection or will have to resume the pre-emptive right. Of course, .this is a question for Parliament to decide, and Parliament will have to decide which course will be the fairest to 4he Maoris and to the colony. The Government has thought out the question, and has arrived at the conclusion that it will be the fairest to all parties to resume the pre-emptive right. I now come to another question—that of federation. To treat this question properly would take one evening by itself, b I am sorry to say that through press of business I have had upon me, I have been unable, as I intended, to address you specially on this subject, but I hope to be able to do so before the session. But, failing this, I just want to say a few words on the subject, because it is one of vast importance, and one which, in my opinion, i has got. to be determined much than some people think. And, at any rate, it can do nonarm to carefully consider the question and form our opinions upon it. The position is this: Here are we, an English community in these seas, with a population of three millions and an annual revenue of twenty millions. It is quite certain that we are the only people that are going to Colonise any of the islands that are fit for colonisation; no other nation has attempted it, nor are they likely to. France, some forty years ago—l think it was in 1844—determined to get a footing in these seas, and to take up certain islands with the Intention of securing power in these seas when the Panama Canal should be opened. I am referring to what was actually written and said in France at that time. They said, “We shall gradually extend southwards, and so become a great power; and tbe whole of the trade of Europe will have to pass by our ports.” They had not to do this, still they had several agreements with England as to what they should or should not do. Certain islands, were nofto be touched, but now we find that they claim the whole of those islands which were not to be touched. It is true that Lord Granville tells our AgentGeneral that Great Britain does not acknowledge it; but there remains the fact that France < remains-in possession of them; and one im- ] portant island between Australia and Panama, i which contains one of the finest harbors in the 1 world, with great facility for fortification, i was amongst those which France was not to i take. The French Government to t get possession of it if possible, seeing the im- < portance of it, and now we find that France t claims it, and though England does not admit t the : claim yet she takes no steps to dis- i put© it. Then we find France going to s pass a bill to flood these seas with criminals.. I we ."know* that the only settlement she has f here is New Caledonia, which she has for con- i rfctS| and there are 2oQ convicts in Australia— %

only one of whom is earning an honest livelihood—all from New Caledonia. Wo aio told that France seems determined to pass this bill and resents the Interference of the Australasian colonies as impertinence, and to ship largo numbers of her worst criminals to those seas, and to let them loose. The French Government have determined to pass this Bill—whether modified or not. I cannot say f> but apparently not—and there is an eminent danger to all our colonies if it is allowed tp be brought into operation. This is the position we are in: These men are to be brought here to be turned loose, and they must either populate these islands or spread amongst us. I have no doubt that the idea is to people the New Hebrides, and then we shall nave, in a short time, France laying claim to these islands also. Now, how can wo resist this ? what can we do? We each make representations to the Imperial Government, what answer do we get? “Gentlemen, it is impossible for us to talk with one separately ; we cannot do it; we must have something joint.” The fact is, ladies and gentlemen, we are too small to be listened to but when three millions of Englishmen, with twenty millions of revenue, speak, then they will be listened to. The conference had to solve this problem : “ How can we get into such a position as to speak with authority ? to speak the mind of the colony as a whole with regard to the policy to be followed in these seas with a united voice, and yet not interfere with our internal management?” Because every delegate at the Conference felt that the time had not yet arrived, and could a not for some time arrive, when we could submit to any such federation as that of Canada, lie also felt that wo would bo unable to combat evils that might come upon us if we were unable to speak with one voice, and watch what was going on in these seas as one body. Because, can anyone doubt for a moment that it is we who are to dominate these seas in years-to come? And, if we permit these sort of people to come,, what an expense it would mean for war to our 1 children hereafter. We had to consider how | to devise some scheme by which the .internal I legislation of the colony should not be touched while we could sneak with a united voice. Hence arose the Bill which the Conference passed, and which it is the intention of the various Ministers to submit for the consideration of their respective Parliaments. It is said that the Home Government desires to force us into confederation, and I have no doubt that is true, because they are afraid—and not without soms reason—-that one of the colonies might commit some act, such as the annexation of New Guinea, which might tend to embroil them with some foreign Power. It is true that we could all (and would if it were necessary) pass special measures to protect ourselves from the consequences of this iniquitous law; but then we cannot deal with anything three miles outside our own boundaries. Three miles outside any of the colonies no one has any power except the Imperial Government, and it seemed to us that there should bo some power within these seas that should speak with authority to the Home Government. It is said that New Zealand will bo nowhere in this conference, being so far from Australia. I think that she will be able to hold her own wit h any of them. But I ask this : Supposing the Australian colonies (as it is certain they will) see fit to federate themselves, we shall be in this position, that they will dictate the policy that is to govern these seas, and we shall bo hero without a voice in the matter ; and that is a position which I do not believe the people of New Zealand are prepared to take. Then a I do hope you will turn your attention to this question, and consider whether it is not wise_ to endeavor to draw the bonds of union a little tighter and nearer. I look forward to union with England in a much closer bond than we have at-the S resent time. I claim that we are part of the Impire, and have all the rights of Englishmen, and I hope to see a federation of the British Empire. (Applause.) 'And if I believed that the proposal for the federation of the Australasian colonies would delay this, I would not be a party to it. But X believe that if we can give effect to some such proposal as the conference agreed upon, we shall be not only doing ourselves much good, but be drawing nearer the bonds to the Old Country. And now I want just to glance at our present position as compared with what it was in 1870; and I do this because there is abroad a spirit of dejection throughout the colony. I am thankful to say it is not here, but I saw it in a very marked degree on my visit to the South.' (Laughter.} There beems to be an impression abroad, owing to the very serious depression felt in that island, that our affairs are desperate; that we are suffering terrible taxation; that our public works have hot succeeded as they ought to have done ; and that, generally, we are in a very bad way. Well, I disagree with every one of these propositions. It is true we are suffering a depression, but not nearly to such a degree as Canada or the United States during the last twelve months. Our taxation is less per head than it was in 1870. In 1870 it 'was L 3 4s 6d per head: now, if you deduct education, which, of course, was then paid for out of a separate vote, and which cost some 11s 61 per head, the taxation is only L 3 Is 8d per head. Now, this should have a reassuring effect—not standing by itself to make us perfectly content—but to see that with all the borrowing our taxation per head is less than it was then. (Applause.) Although we are suffering from a severe depression, still it is quite certain that wages in all classes of labor are more than they were before the immigration and public works scheme began. In 1870 we paid away for interest and sinking fund nearly half a million ; our revenue was a little over a million, and we paid away in round numbers L 470,000 for interest, so that we had a balance to carry on our general business of L 525,000. Now, during last year, our revenue was in round numbers L3,G00,000 ; we paid away for interest LI,550,000; so that we have a balance to carry on with of over two millions. And our population in 1870 was under 250,000; so , that we had a surplus of about L2 per head ; j now, deducting the cost on our railways, the surplus is about L 3 per head to carry on the Government of the country. And it is a very gratifying thing to find that the duty paid on spirits per adult head of the male population has fallen very considerably. It you take spirits, wine, tobacco, and English beer (the tobacco, curious to say, remains about the same), you will find that the difference in the consumption paid through the Customs is LI 2s Cd per head. This is a most gratifying fact, and one on which we may congratulate ourselves. And now I want to say a few words with regard to the Government. It is true that we have had changes of Premierships since 1879, but for the purpose of which I am going to speak, it has been one Government. When they took office in 1879 they had to face an enormous deficit. We need not inquire how it arose. We found our credit at the lowest ebb—so much so that the Bank of England refused to give us L 250,000 on any account whatever, and the loan agents had to raise it on their influence. We had to face not only this deficit, but in order to meet it we had to face the country and tell it that it must submit to great reductions in expenditure, and we effected it in the Consolidated Fund and also in the public works fund. We had to impose heavy taxation, to carry on public works and restore the credit cf the colony in London. All this has been done. Our credit at the present time stands as well as that of any of the colonies in existence. (Applause.) Our 4 per cents, were sold for 80 in 1879, We have now effected a loan at 4 per cent, above par. The statements you see put abroad that the expenditure of tne public f unds has been wasteful has never been proved in a single instance that I know of—l mean speaking broadly. The expenditure has been wonderfully economical and most satisfactory. I have gone very carefully into the question of the so-called political railways, and I say that the possible waste does not amount to more than 4 per cent, of the amount spent; and no company had ever laid out Its money to greater advan- | tage than the .Government as a whole. Those | who differ from this should show us—not talk about it. (Applause.) Now this is what the Government have had to do.tand I venture to say that no Government in this country or any other has had & more difficult., task imposed upon it; and it is for you, at the coming elections, to judge how we have fulfilled it. And. in conclusion, I would say : Look around ana see what is going on in all the other countries. We see people consolidated; we see them carefully assuming political power. Fortunately, in New Zealand we have full power with the people at the present toe and having ;

power, wo have tho full responsibility. I want to urge upon you that upon y»m depends tho future House. It is no u*e your complaining if you have inefficient Governments, if you will not do your duty and put men in because they arc tit, ami not because they are personal friends. 1 have full faith in the country, and in the electors, if they will only wake up, ami I believe they will do their duty. But I say it is no use vour casting off the responsibility ; you cannot do it; it rests upon yon. I do not mean that there is no lesponsibility on tho Government, but it is the responsibility of a servant doing his master’s work badly ; and therefore I do hope that in dealing with all these questions you will make np yonr minds as to what is rignt in the interests of New Zealand, and that you will elect honest men who will carry out your views. Major Atkinson aat down amidst loud and continuous applause. The CHAIRMAN intimated that Major Atkinson would now be willing to answer any questions. Mr BUNNY asked whether the Government ■would be prepared to submit, during the ensuing session, definite proposals for the construction of the main north trunk railway by a central route to connect the Waikato lino to Auckland with the West Coast lino from Wellington to Wanganui; and to take the necessary steps for raising the one-million loan already authorised for the construction of a line to connect Wellington and Auckland, Also whether, in the event of tho Government not being prepared to undertake the construction of such a line, would they be willing to make such arrangements for its construction by a company, giving to such a company similar concessions and privileges as had been already given to the Wellington and Manawatu Railway Company ? Major ATKINSON replied that he was sorry to say he could not answer the question as he would like to, for this reason, that tho Government had undertaken to survey all the lines, and ascertain which was tho best, and, having ascertained, to recommend that to Parliament. (Hear, hear). Therefore, as tho information was not yet before them, it was Impossible to aay which lino they would recommend, but it would be that one which would open up the most country, and be most beneficial to the colony at large, {Applause), With regard to Mr Bunny’s second question; that would hardly come up till the other was disposed of; but the views of tho Government must bo known, for they carried tho Bill under * which the Wellington and Manawatu Railway Company were now making their lino. An elector asked if Major Atkinson would explain tho policy of tho Government as regards immigration, and their reason for it. Major ATKINSON replied that he could hardly say .what tho Government intended to do, for this reason, that tho whole of the vote was practically expended out of tho threo millions loan, and there could be no more provision till another loan—if there was to bo onQ _was raised. But ho was quite certain that they wanted more people in the colony (cries of “No! no!”) of tho right sort. Ho was giving his opinion, and said that the great want of tho colony at 'the present time was more people of the right sort. (Applause, and cries of No.) There was no doubt that certain classes of citizens—clerks, ana some other classes—were too numerous in the colony at the present time ; and they would mako a great mistake if they brought into tho country any more of these classes, which were already insufficient numbers; but what they wanted was more of the right sort, to occupy the land and give work to the artizans that were now here. Such people as they wanted would create work, and if the country was to bo a prosperous one, they must bo got. Ho might say that he was entirely against free immigration. If they looked at the hiatoiy of any country, they would find that directly immigration ceased, wages went down, and a general depression followed. Another elector said ho had seen it reported in the Ihmedin papers that Major Atkinson had stated that if tenders were called for tho manufacture of locomotives, they would bo imported, but put together in the colonial workshops. If it could be proved that there were firms in the colony that would undertake the manufacture of locomotives (with tho ex- * ception of tho solid tires), he would like to know if a sum would be put on the Estimates for such a purpose. Major ATKINSON replied that he was decidedly in favor of any mode of oncomaging local industry which could bo properly used, Tho difficulty in this case was that engines could not be made in the colony. (Tho questioner: Yes, they can.) Well, he had not tho least doubt that if they could bo made tho Government would be prepared to buy ono when it was made, in fact he would himself undertake to buy one if his friend would make it, (Laughter and applause.) The questioner complained that Major At- . kinson was not answering Ins question, but evading it. Major ATKINSON pointed out that tho gentleman dii not understand tho manner in which these things were done. It was not necessary for a sum to be put on the Estimates for such a purpose. The Government were in a position to contract with anyone capable of manufacturing locomotives, Mr PLIMMER rose to propose a vote of thanks to Major Atkinson for his address, and said that it was with great pleasure that ho did so. He was very glad-that the audience had listened to him in that way in which ho would always like to seo the citizens of Wellington do; and not in a disgraceful manner such as was shown in Canterbury tho other • day. If over he saw the citizens of Wellington act in such a manner, he would disown them. Mr McKENZIE seconded the vote of thanks, and in doing so, advocated the formation of constitutional societies. He was'proceeding to speak on the jealousy between the m North and South Islands, but he was not accorded a patient hearing,. Mr HUTCHISON wished to be permitted ' to say a few words before the motion was put. He did not wish to speak in opposition to tho motion, but rather to congratulate the meeting on the patient hearing they had given to Major Atkinson. A previous Premier, Sir George Grey, had received very different treatment in the discharge of a similar duty, and he understood how that was. But he understood also that popular feeling was not always under due control, and there were many worse things than noise at a public meeting. And now having heard the Premier, that was one side of the question ; and, having paid court to a great man, he asked whether, on a future occasion, they would bo prepared to hear the other side? (Cries of “Yes,” and “ Give it to us now.”) And would the gentlemen who provided a hall for this meeting bo prepared to do the same for a simple representative of the people. Ho was preEared to prove> oy cogent arguments, y facts ,and figures, that tho policy sketched out would never raise tho colony from its present depression. He was prepared to prove that in many respects it was directly Inimical to the interests or the country (cries of “Bosh.” and “Hear, hear”), and^ that it would entirely fail oir-account of its vacillating and uncertain character. There was a fair challenge to the backers of the Premier; were they prepared to accept it. Mr SHAW wished to make a few remarks, if it were competent for him to do so. A voice : We came here to hear the Premier. The Chairman ruled that it was not competent for any one to enter upon a political discussion at that meeting. Mr SHAW was quite satisfied with tho answer. He would come forward on some subsequent occasion and undertake to show that the very clever statement which tho Premier had made as to the difference between the justice and expedience of a land and property tax, was a very clever special pleading indeed, and nothing better. The Chairman then put the motion to tho meeting, and the vote of thanks was carried nem. con, . .

Major ATKINSON, in returning thanks for the kind way in which they had heard his address, and for the vote of thanks, expressed his regret that they could not. hear those gentlemen who desired to pick to pieces what he had said. In special pleading he could not stand against his friend Mr Shaw (laughter); and as for meeting his other friend, Hr Hutchison, that gentleman had been in the House for years, and that was the proper place for fighting; but he was sure they would be happy to hear him. . They would fight when the proper time came. 'The usual civility having been tendered to the chairman, the meeting broke up.