THE Wellington Independent Saturday, December 5, 1857. A WORD TO OUR ENGLISH AND AUSTRALIAN FRIENDS ON THE LATE ELECTIONS.

Wellington Independent, Issue 1249, 5 December 1857, Page 2

THE Wellington Independent Saturday, December 5, 1857. A WORD TO OUR ENGLISH AND AUSTRALIAN FRIENDS ON THE LATE ELECTIONS.

Now that the heat of the Eleotions is pretty well cooled down, and that both actors and spectators have had time to reflect on what has been done, it seems desirable to put on record a brief account of tho late political events in this province — partly to make known in the Colony a few truths which clamour and violence have hitherto suppressed, and partly for the information of those friends in England and the adjacent Colonies who may take an interest in the matter. When the Constitution was bestowed on the Colony four years ago, there were two political parlies in existence. The one consisted of men who had for many years been battling in the cause of SelfGovernment and whose labours were at last rewarded by the bestowal of Representative Institutions. The other party consisted of those who had long opposed the introduction of Self-Government —- the Nominees and officials of the old regime who had stood between the Colonists aud their political rights; and aided Governor Grey in postponing the introduction of free institutions for a period of four years after the British Parliament had decided to give them, and after he had himself announced our fitness for them.

The acknowledged leader of the Self - Government party was Dr. Featherston who had not only headed the fight against the Colonial Office and its delegates, but who had also almost single handed conducted to a successful issue the conflict between the Land purchasers of Wellington and the New Zealand Company, which resulted in the former obtaining compensation which without the persevering and courageous efforts of Dr. Featherston would certainly not have been obtained.

When the time came for electing the first Superintendent of the province, there could only be one opinion as to who was the fittest man. Though some feelers were put out by the old nominee party, not a man could be found to face the certainty of a defeat in a contest against Dr. Featherston, and he was elected without opposition to the important office. The elections for the Provincial Council however, were marked by less unanimity of feeling. The influence of the old nominee party became apparent in several of the Electoral districts, and Mr. Edward Gibbon Wakefield then recently arrived in the Colony, and who brought to the task talents sharpened by a long life of political and social intrigue, threw himself with characteristic energy into the hands of the opposition consisting of the old nominee party, assuming the office of its leader when the Council assembled. Several Government questions in the early part of the Session were only carried by the casting vote of the Speaker, and it seemed very doubtful for a time whether Dr. Featherston would find in the Council that support which was necessary to enable him to carry out the policy of his Government. Mr. Fitzherbert, however, the Provincial Secretary and leader of the Council on the government side proved as a debater more than a match for Mr. Wakefield, and before the end of the Session the influence of the latter had greatly diminished, while the Government had secured the steady support of a respectable majority. From this period the victory seemed complete. Each succeeding Session and each succeeding year found the Featherston government stronger than the last. The ability with which it was admitted on all sides the now Constitution had been inaugurated in the province — the success of the policy of the government evidenced in the rapid progress of the community and the establishment of the provincial credit on the London Stock Exchange where large loans were negociated by it on most favourable terms— the testimony borne by every other province in New Zealand — all united to place the provincial government in a position of which it might well be proud and from which there seemed little prospect of its being removed. When Dr. Featherston's term of office expired in August last, and soon after the issue of the writ for a new election down almost to the very day of nomination there seemed no prospect of a contest. Nor do we believe there would have been one but for two circumstances — a desire on the part of a few corrupt individuals of the rowdy order to "see some money spent" on the occasion — and the old grudge of the Wakefield family against Featherston which determined them to leave no stone unturned to prevent his having the honor of a "walk over." Prospect of defeating him on the contest they had none — and never pretended that they had — but they could put him to the trouble und expense of a contest and they could deprive him of the honour of resuming his office without the record of one dissentient voice.

The difficulty however was to find a man bold enough to risk a contest. Gibbon Wakefield, under the reality or pretence of illness — had after his defeat, in the General Assembly in 1854 shut himself up in his private house, and retired altogether from public life and public gaze. His son Jerningham, who had attempted to supply his father's place partook of the family failing of making use of catspaws to do the work they fear to face themselves and declined to put himself forward in a contest the issue of which must be defeat. Not a colonist could he got to play catspaw to Mr. Wakefield till at last a certain Mr. Porter Welch who kept a small druggist's shop in Wellington and who is we believe better known in Sydney, from whence he had but recently arrived, than in New Zealand, undertook the task. A man more entirely unfitted for the oflice probably could not be found in the colony. He has been described as givingone the idea of "a man who had been a mountebank and was growing into a parish beadle — whose hand was a little out in the former character and not quite in, in the latter." His public exhibitions were pitiable, and the ribaldry to which he gave vent at some of the meetings he addressed, such as no respectable paper would disgrace its columns by reporting. Even the unscrupulous organ of the Wakefield party, our cotemporary [sic] the Spectator, declined to do it! Perhaps, unwisely, Dr. Featherston and his friends determined to treat the movement with the contempt it deserved. It has become the custom in Wellington — one we believe unheard of in any other part of the world — on the occasion of contested elections, to bring the candidates together face to face at a series of public meetings, and there, subject to all the inconveniences of such assemblies to make them battle out their respective claims, like so many fighting cocks or bull dogs in a pit. Dr. Featherston's friends refused to subject him to such a gladiatorial combat with Mr. Welch and his supporters, partly on account of his health which is entirely unequal to the wear and tear of such scenes — but more because they felt that to call on a colonist of 10 years standing who had earned for himself such a public and private character as Dr. Featherston has done, to pit himself on public platforms against such a man as this Mr. Welch, would be a degradation for which no amount of political success would compensate. If such a course were necessary to ensure his election — if a character such as his which had stood the test of public life so long and political principles so well known as his — were not sufficient material to enable the constituency to judge between him and Mr. Porter Welch, both be and his friends were -quite willing to accept a defeat and leave tho responsibility to those who having the opportunity of choosing between two such men for the highest office in the province, might take the latter in preference. He however attended public meetings othis own supporters according to the practice prevalent in Great Britain, the United States, and other countries enjoying representative institutions, where with his usual ability and candour he developed his policy and gave replies to such questions as the electors thought proper to put. The Wakefield party took advantage of this. Night after night they held public meetings at which the most unblushing mistatements were palmed on the electors; and there and in placards which they circulated all over the colony, election cries were raised to prejudice and mislead the public mind; of these meetings and cries we shall presently have a few more words to say. At last the polling day arrived when Dr. Featherston was returned on the gross poll ofthe province by a majority of more than 2 to I, the numbers being 834 to 404. But the success of the manoeuvres of his opponents in the town and immediate neighbourhood was too apparent in the fact that in the town Mr. Welch secured a positive majority, the numbers being 206 to 219, and in the adjacent district of the Hutt which had been influenced by the proceedings in the town, Dr, Featherston had only a majority of 30, the numbers being 102 to 72. This result of the poll in the town and suburbs excited the hopes of the Wakefield party, and they went to work with no want of energy but certainly without the smallest scruple of conscience as to the means adopted, to fight the the battle for the election of provincial councillors. The election for the Superintendency had shewn them the real secret of their strength, which consisted in the peculiar distribution of the Representation of the province, by which a district consisting of the City of Wellington and a radius of 15 miles round it, returns 22 out of the 30 members of which the Council is composed, and enables the compact population of that small district, a very large proportion of which consists of retail dealers, commission agents, shopkeepers and other citizens, to dictate to the real wealth and strength of the province, the up country people whose agricultural and pastoral enterprise is the sole source of its wealth and on whom in fact the Town population is in reality dependent not only for the growing importance of its shopkeepers, but for every crust of bread it eats. The same system of packed meetings and placards with the addition of roast beef, and beer on tap in unlimited quantities which had distinguished the party during the election for the Superititendency, was resorted to again, and, it ended in their carrying the whole of the members for the City (12), the whole for the Hutt (5) and 3 out of 5 for "the Wellington Country district" (a suburban district of the Town) thus giving them a majority of 20 to 10 over their opponents in the Council.

The result is that Dr. Featherston has been returned Superintendent of the Province by a majority of two to one, on an avowed policy which had been in operation for years, and which by his re-election received the stamp of the approbation of the electors — while a majority of two to one has been returned to the Council, avowedly opposed to that policy, and pledged on the hustings, and other public occasions, to turn Dr. Featherston out of office. It is very remarkable when the figures are looked at. The majority for Dr. Featherston's policy on the poll of the whole Province is 430. The majority againit his policy as exhibited by the election for Pioriucial Councillors, is 160; that is 140 in the Town, and 20 at the Hutt — the suburban district being a drawn battle, and the remoter districts in Dr. Featherston's favour. Thus a rampant minority of 160, possess at this moment the power to govern the Province, and to introduce a policy the reverse of that of Dr. Featherston, already affirmed and approved by a solid majority of 430!! That something is radically wrong somewhere, is thus pretty apparent — whether in the-Government, in the Constituency, in the Constitution, or in the distribution of representation, and provisions for elections, time will, probably, enable thinking men to decide, and possibly to apply a remedy, where there is no doubt a remedy is required. We have alluded to the means by which the Wakefield party attained its success; we will now give our readers a few words of explanation on the subject. 1st. The Public Meetings. An Englishman never complains of being beaten in a fair fight, but he does object to foul play, and certainly the Featherston party have good

right to complain of the manner in which they were put down, by clamour, violence, noise and tho grossest misrepresentation at tlie public meetings held on this occasion, while the most patient hearing was afforded to the calumnies by which tliey were assailed. That the meetings were thoroughly packed and organized by the Wakefield party, with the determination that their opponents should not bs heard, must have been apparent to any one who intended them There he might have observed night after night the same individuals in the same places, enacting precisely the same part on every occasion. A little to the right hand of the Chairman, standing up quite as prominently as the speaker, would he Mr. Atcheson the grocer, one of the princible [sic] movers of the party and who seems to have been selected as chief fugleman. Immediately in front of the chairman and in the first line of the audience, was a discharged soldier in a blue shirt, always inflamed with drink with his cuffs turned up and his collars down, the impersonation of the "physical force rowdy." A little further back a man "with whose name we are unacquainted, but who we are informed was formerly a hanger on at the Auckland livery stables, was picked up by Mr. Wakefield at Canterbury, and has been his familiar companion for some months and who was known during the elections as Wakefield's bully. His business according to his own statement was "to bring up the mob." Near the back of the meeting were the rear guard fuglemen and touters, Mr. Rowlands the hardwareman, Conny Croft the boatman, or Pickering of the Commissariat Office, while a few more equally well drilled and disciplined were planted here and there each to give the cue to his own little knot. Of the manner in which the interruptions were managed we cannot do better than describe the scene at the meeting which was expressly called to hear Mr. Fox, a member of the Government and a colonist of 15 years standing. He hud scarcely been speaking for ten minutes when Mr. Bowler rudely burst in with an interruption, and insisted upon giving ii personal explanation. When he had been put down though not without difficulty and told by the chairman that lie could speak when Mr. Fox was done, Mr. Atcheson, after a lapse of two or three minutes more, put in his inir,.and three several times running in less than five minutes interrupted Mr. F. with loud and impertinent questions. Then an individual whom we could not recognize a big rough looking follow culled nut " Mr, Fox I want to ask you a question" of course the speaker stopped, "Have you left your brush at Wanganui?" continued the rowdy. Even this was taken good lmiimuredly and the laugh turned against liisassuilants, when finding that Mr. F. was determined to go on and woulil not be put out of temper, the discharged soldier with turned up cuffs got the hint, took up the bull and soon raised such a tempest, that he had to be collared and shewn the door, a general shindy ensued in that part of the room the speaker sat down, and it was not till Mr. E. J. Wakefield rose and begged his " friends" to be quiet that the stormy waves subsided. The moment he did so all was still, and Mr. K. J. W. intimated to Mr. F. that " that he might go on." Of course he replied that he would not address the mating on sufferance, procured for him by Mr. Wakefield's intervention; knowing that the moment his speech began tn tell, Mr. Bowler, Mr. Atcheson, the discharged soldier, or Wakefield's bullys would again interrupt him as they had before. This of course was exactly what was wanted and afforded Mr. Wakefield the opportunity of getting up and making a long speech in reply to what he said Mr. Fox no doubt would have said if he had gone on. By means such as these it was that night after night statements the falsehood of which could hare been exposed by any one who could have got a fair hearing, and arguments which would have disgraced a school boy of ten years old, wore palmed off on the electors; bald and feeble speakers, whose grammar and logic were equally at fault were listened to lor hours as if they were announcing the oracles of Delphi, while the best speakers on the Government, side could not get a patient hearing for five minutes together.

If the electors would have listened easy indeed would have been the task of reply. How easy may lie gathered by referring to a few of the "Cries" by which they allowed their minds to be influenced.

Ist. There was the Irish Cry; and to this cry my he attributed almost entirely the turn which [may] be the elections took. The circumstances of the case were these.

When the present Government commenced a system of Immigration (which under the Government of Sir George Grey had entirely ceased so far as the Government and public funds were concerned) they resorted in the first instance to Australia. Aii agent was sent up to make the necessary arrangements, no condition was imposed ns to the country of the 'Immigrants, all English, Scotch and Irish were taken indifferently, aud a large proportion no less then 200 souls out of 930 were of the latter nation. Subsequently the Government entered into contracts with Gladstone & Co., of London, for the immigration of 2000 souls, and though the regulations prescribed chiefly English and Scotch the line was extensively advertised in Ireland, and as many from that country as applied and were of suitable occupations were sent out. So also in the case of Immigrants sent home for by the Government at the request of their friends resident in the Colony, a large proportion were Irish. Between the principal Immigration operations however a bye contract for 200 Immigrants had been entered into with a highly respectable Scotch house: and in the contract it. was stipulated that the Immigrants should he chiefly Scotch shepherds and English Agricultural labourers—classes which were very much wanted in the Colony at the time. But whatever the Immigration contracts might be, one thing is certain, that these terms had been discussed iv the Provincial Council of wliich Mossis. McManaway, Allen, ■Wakefield, Ludlam, and Carpenter were members, a Committee had had tho subject fully under there consideiation before the contracts were taken, aud yet these gentlemen who at the elections were loudest iv exciting the Irish cry, never made a suggestion on the subject, but in that particular at least entirely approved of wln.t the Government was doing. In fact it was not the act of the Executive Government but of the Council and the members above - named were just as responsible for the terms of the contracts as the Government was.

On this false basis the Irish cry was got up. It was asserted that the Government had excluded the Irish from their immigration and had interdicted their being brought here. The impulsive passions of this excitable people were appealed to regardless of the bad blood between races which such a proceeding was likely to create, and led by one or two of their countrymen who saw in the movement a chance of obtaining seats for themselves in the Council, they went over in a compact body to the Wakefield side. Often as the Irish have been deluded and gulled by their political leaders, never were they more so than on this occasion, Not only was

there no real foundation for assorting that the present Government had obstructed Irish Immigration, but the fact is, that the only party whu has done so, is Gibbon Wakefield himself, and very effectually he did it. Two instances have already been put on record in wliich when he was the Managing Director of the New Zealand Company, influential Irishmen applied to that body, to aid them in promoting the emigration of their countrymen to this colony, and in both instances the same reply was given, (in one case by Wakefield himself, in the other by, his Secretary) that "they would have nothing to do with the Irish, they were turbulent and dangerous." And the public has been reminded of those passages in his well known book "The Art of Colonization," in which he describes the Irish as " careless, lazy, slovenly, dirty, whinning, quarrellsome,Saxon-hating paupers, whom no English, Scotch, or American capitalist would be dependant upon; and whom he declares in common with negro slaves, free niggers, convicts in bondage aud the immediate offspring of convicts, to boa public nuisance, a political danger, and a social plague." But notwiyhstanding these foul charges against the Irish nation, and notwithstanding the fact that during all the New Zealand Company's immigration, extending over some ten years, the Wakefield influence effectually prevented Irish immigration to New Zealand, yet so infatuated were the Irish on this occasion, that excited by a charge against the Government wliich had no foundation, they threw themselves into the hands of the man (for Jerningham is only Gibbon Wakefield's representative) who had so spoken of and acted towards, their nation! And, we believe, that this single fact turned the scale at the elections against the Government. It is well worth noting, because even some adherents of Government have been inclined to think that there must have been something radically wrong on their own side, to lead to such a defeat as they have encountered. When they reflect on the practical result of this "Irish cry" they will perhaps arrive at a different conclusion.

2. Another cry, which influenced many, was that of the sale of land on credit. The present Government has always opposed any proposal of this sort, partly on grounds uf public policy, but chiefly because it considered it a tampering with the security given to the public creditor, who has advanced money to the Province on the security of the Land fund. The action of the Wakefield party on the subject has been very amusing. First, when Mr. Welch was put forward, a promise was held out of 40 acres on credit to every settler, and a right of preemption over 5000 acres to every runholder. This very liberal arrangement was called unlocking the public lands, and held out as an immense boon to the working classes. The real effect of it would have been this — For every 100 individuals not being runholders, it would have appropriated 4000 acres; for every 100 runholders it would have appropriated 500,000 acres. This was called unlocking the public lands in favour of tlie working classes!! Of course so absurd a proposal was soon abandoned. What the party does propose, its leaders have not yet vouchsafed' tn say, though Mr. Wakefield tells us that he will undertake in 20 minutes to frame a scheme for the sale of land on credit, which shall meet all objections and obviate every difficulty. It is all very well to talk in general terms on such a subject—but that little 20 minutes work, we predict, will never be done. It reminds us of sundry wonderful inventors, whom we have known, who have discovered perpetual motion, or the art of squaring the circle — but unfortunately there has always been some little screw, or some trifling correction (a bare 20 minutes task) wanting to perfect the work. Mr. Wakefield's plans for selling land on credit, free from the objections which have been urged against it, will, we have no doubt, be perfected about the same date as the perpetual motion machine.

But supposing it were perfected, Mr. Wakefield knows very well that it will never become law in his time. The General Government has already disallowed the Nelson Act, because there was a prospect of Mr. Sewell obtaining a loan on the security of the Land Fund. That loan is now obtained — will the General Government be likely to break faith with the public creditor, when it was so scrupulous before he actually existed? And if it should, would the Home Government, which has guaranteed the loan, not put its veto on the measure? Oh but here again Mr. Wakefield tells the Ahuriri settlers under Mr. Bowler's name, that he will be able to salisfy the scruples of the General Government. No doubt, another 20 minutes will put that right, only that 20 minutes will never arrive. The poor individuals whom Mr. Wakefield has deceived by the promise of land on deferred payments (by which he means laud without any payment) may depend upon it they will not see it in New Zealand, so long as a public creditor of the colony exists in England, who has the guarantee of the Home Government for the payment of his debt out of our Land Fund.

How any but the most ignorant can believe in these Wakefield schemes for the sale of land, passes our understanding. For some 30 years past, the Wakefield family have been putting before the public scheme after scheme, for colonization, land selling and the like. One after another has broken down, involving the catspaw capitalists, who had been inveigled into working them, in expense and ruin. And yet they still hold themselves out as authorities in the matter. But this sale of land on credit, is the most amusing feature, its coming from then. Whatever there is good in the Wakefield reputation, rests upon the labours of Gibbon Wakefield in reference to what is commonly called the Wakefield, or sufficient price system. Some 30 years ago, he commenced his colonizing schemes. In order to carry them out it was necessary to enlist the sympathies of the English capitalist and induce him to buy land in the colonies. But this he was very slow to do, because he could not see how a supply of cheap labour could be got to cultivate the lands he might purchase. Wakefield undertook to shew him how it might be done, and his method was to put so high a price upon the waste lands as might effectually prevent the working man from purchasing any, so that he might be kept in his proper place as a hired labourer, by whose exertions the lands of the capitalists might be cultivated. His first work on the subject was entitled " A Letter from Sydney," published under the borrowed name of one Robert Gouger, an unfortunate individual whose head became turned, and who we believe, died a lunatic, in cmsequence of the unexpected celebrity which his book brought him. The next work was a thick octavo, entitled "England and America," and the last published about 1810, the well known "Art of Colonization." The sole aim of all these books — published at intervals extending over 20 years — was to keep down the working man by preventing him from buying land. They might have been very properly entitled "The whole art of keeping the working man's nose to the grindstone, taught in three lessons," All this, however, was but a bait to the English capitalist. It served its purpose. It made G. Wakefield a Managing Director — it procured funds wherewith to found Wellington, Nelson, and Otago — all on the "sufficient price " system.

But at last Mr. Wakefield came out to the colony himself. The working man there had got a vote, and the capitalist was left 15,000 miles behind—so immediately on his arrival in the colony, his back being turned on the worked out capitalist, we find the inventor of the celebrated Wakefield theory converted into the leader of the movement for the sale of land on credit. land given away, laud disposed of any how so as to put it within teach of the working man!! Wo wonder what Mr. Wakefield's English friends would say, if they could hear of the wonderful facility with which he has forgotten his labours and theories of 30 years of his life, We can picture the bitter smile of contempt with which his old pupil and subsequent opponent, Lord Grey, would glance at the back of his copy of the "Art of Colonization," in which his Lordship is chastised with no merciful rod for his opposition to Mr. Wakefield's schemes. He certainly would have his revenge in the last four years of Mr. Wakefield's life.

One simple aim we believe all the Wakefield systems to have—whether their baits be held out to the working man or the capitalist—and that is the benefit of the Wakefield family. Nepotism, the promotion to well paid offices of themselves, their brothers, nephews, and other relatives has attended the operations of the Wakefield sytcm from the beginning — and so we have no doubt it is now and will be to the end. All others are looked upon as mere counters to he played with — tools to he used, worn out, broken, and oust away. The interests of lloekowners, agriculturists, of capitalists, or of working men, of individuals or of constituencies, of Wellington, of Canterbury, or of Auckland, are only of consequence so long as a game is to be made out of them, and in all other respects a matter of pure indifference. The manner in which Messrs. Russell and Gill were cast oat at the late election when it was found that the bigger fish Messrs. Hunter and Stokes were willing to come iuto the net, was only a very small instance of an habitual practice. 3. Another cry which influenced the Town election a good deal, was an allegation that Dr. Featherston had charged the constituency, or his opponents, or a majority of them, (for it was put in a variety of ways) with being "gamblers, plunderer's of dead men's Estates, and otherwise untrustworthy of confidence." We understand it is a fact that this cry did influence a great many votes and we therefore notice it specifically." The facts were these. On the "Wakefield ticket" there were at least two candidates to whom it was very well known the harshest of the expressions above used did apply. In a very manly speech which Dr. Featherston delivered on returning thanks for his own election he reminded the electors that he was bound to select his advisers from the the members of the Provincial Council and he intimated that he never would put in a position of public trust men to whom such imputations as we have mentioned attached. Whom the expressions glanced at was very well known and understood; and as used by Dr Foathetston their application was limited. The Spectutor newspaper however, reported him to have said that "a majority" of his opponents were such characters, which he did not say, and Mr. Wakefield took good care to persuade the electors that it included the whole constituency. It was perhaps not unnatural that those candidates who were not obnoxious to the charge should bo very angry at its assumed generality — but they must remember that you cannot touch pitch without being defiled, and that if they chose to mix themselves up with "plunderers of dead men's estates, &c" to take them by the hand, to give all their aid in placing them in the high position of trust, which a Provincial Councillor fills, it is their own act, and they have no more right to complain than the pigeon had when the fowler who caught him among the craws proceeded to wring his neck The above are samples of the Election cries used by the Wakefield party. To give an account of all the eiies used by them would till much more space than we can' spare ; much less can we afford time to recount the innumerable false statements, many of them of the pettiest and most personal character, which they circulated. One specimen however, umbo given. At one of the public meetings Mr. Jerningiam Wakelield brought on to the platform a woman, the wife of an immigrant who was absent at the Nelson Diggings. From a written paper he put a series of leading questions to her, repeating her replies to the audience. The object of this most indecent exhibition, was to inculpate Mr. Clifford, the Speaker of the House of Representatives an old and most respected Settler and one of the largest and best employers of labour in the whole Colony and to charge him with a variety of acts of oppression and misconduct towards the woman and her husband who had been in his employment at a Sheep station. Fortunately for Mr. Clifford he had in his possession documentary evidence in the husbands handwriting which disproved every word allfged against him; and Mr. Wakefield had publicly and in print to retract the charges and apologise— though with his usual perceptions of generosity he did not do so till the apology was dragged out of him by "a friend" whom Mr. Clifford "commissioned" to act in the matter. It is the first time and we hope it will prove the last that so great an outrage as that of dragging a woman on to a platform at a public meeting to make charges affecting the private character of an employer for electioneering purposes has been resorted to in this Colony. All comment on the act would be superfluous. We have heard the government party blamed because they did net resort to the electioneering pratices [sic] of their opponents. We do not believe that the government party had one man in it who would have been guilty of such things, and we arc certain that its leaders would rather have undergone a much severer defeat than have been degraded by such practices as enabled their opponents to triumph.

Indeed it is a marvel, to us — perhaps it proves the extreme length to which party feeling will carry men — that considering the character of some of the Candidates, the nature and objects of the opposition, and the arts resorted to by the party, any persons calling themselves respectable and who could be supposed to be in a position to keep their heads cool could countenance the Wakefield party. Yet it had some strange allies. One of the most active supporters of Mr. Welch in the contest for the Superintendency, so far as his sphere extended, was the Rev. Octavius Hadfield the Protestant Archdeacon of Kapiti and Bishop expectant of Wellington. The Rev. Arthur Baker, also of the Protestant Episcopal Church, attended assiduously, till late hours even on a Saturday night, the meetings of the Wakefield party, voted (we speak under correction) for his whole ticket (including the "plunderers, &c") and finally occupied a prominent place m the gallery at the banquet when the Wakefield party celebrated their victory. The former of these gentlemen came out many years ago as a Missionary to the Natives; of zeal in their behalf none can charge him with being wanting, whatever they may think of his judgment; but has he forgotten the influence which Mr. E. J. Wakefield's early career had on native morals, has

he forgotten the strong designation that of the "Devil's Missionary" which Governor Fitzroy applied to that Gentleman at a public levee and which was usually supposed to have been suggested by Mr. Hadficld himself, and is he ignorant that in allying himself with the party he espoused at the last elections he was doing all that in him lay to put Mr. Wakefield into power and official intercourse with these very natives? Truly such an alliance may well be called an unholy one. The part which the higher functionaries of a church take on occasions like this cannot but be watched with anxiety and interest by its members no less than by the community, and we are bold to affirm that the influence of the Church of England in this Province has been by no means increased by the exhibition of Archdeacon Hadfield in alliance with Jerningham Wakefield, and voting for Mr. Porter Welch in preference to Dr. Featherston. We leave the facts without further comment to the intelligence of our readers who know the men, their history, and their principles. To conclude! The result of the late elections yet remains to be seen. The party which has achieved the victory is bound together hy mere ropes of sand, it is utterly impossible that they can hold together except by an entire sacrifice of principle. But that is nothing, it would involve a sacrifice of interests, there is the difficulty of their position. A seat in the Council may operate like Helebore on Mr. Toomath; and reduce him to the condition of a sane man so that he shall sit side by side with Ten pound Carpenter, or Ludlam the price of whose brains is twenty five. Mr. Bowler may be induced by like means to think a tax on land a very good thing for the absentees, and to vote for Mr. Wilcox's motion to that effect, But other questions will arise which will not be so easily settled. The waste lands are to be " unlocked" for the benefit of the working man — will this enable Messrs. Hunter and Stokes to buy their runs or expected runs? Will Toomath who all but agrees with the present Education Scheme, knock under to the denominatioiialist system which will find support at the hands of the "Bishop's Boy" and the "Archdeacon's boy"? This question was carefully kept out of sight at the Elections—can it he kept out of sight in the Council? The rigid economy of the Radical reformers has promised open boards, departments without heads, and Government by a Superintendent and a single Clerk. Will the expectants for office who have already divided the spoils by anticipation as appears from Mr. Hughes naive admission at Grey town that be had already arranged with Mr. E J. Wakefield to take the office of Chief Surveyor on Mr. Park's expected refusal, to serve under the new party, find all this possible now? We shrewdly suspect they will not, and the result will be that, a policy substantially the same as that of the present Government will be curried out by a set of very different men, in what respect different the electors may yet live to learn to their sorrow.

One point however remains which we cannot pass over without notice; we allude to the strange and unnatural alliance in which their political action in the colony has involved Mr. Gibbon Wakefield ahd his son Jerningham, No man has arrogated to himself more credit than the former, for promoting by his writings and otherwise the introduction of self-government into the colonies in general, and New Zealand in particular. And no doubt he is entitled to a fair share of praise for the part he took in the matter while in the old country. But on his arrival in the colony, with whom do we find him allying himself? With the men who for years had fought the battle of self-government in the colony, with Featherston, Fitztherbert, Brandon, Fox, or the other leaders of that side? No, be throws himself, and has thrown himself from the very first into the arms of the Ludlams - the Hunters, the Stokes, and the Moores, the old nominees, the representatives of that old beaurocratic [sic] party, whom be spent so many years and so much powerful penmanship in denouncing! Did we not see it with our own eyes and hear it with our own ears, we never could have believed that any man who had been labouring for years as he has laboured in books, in newspapers, and in talk to cover the party to which the Ludlams, Stokes and Hunters belong, with obloquy, with ridicule and contempt — would, when be got among them, aspire to the high and iii ruified ofiice-of being their political leader, friend and associate. The change from being the inventor of the "sufficient price" and the art of keeping the working-man's nose to the grindstone, to the framer of regulations for the sale of land upon credit and free grants, was abrupt and shocking enough, but Gibbon Wakefield voting for and in alliance with the old nominees of Sir George Grey's Government and against the men who won the battle of self-government against Sir George is a spectacle which would create something more than merriment in a certain large house at the bottom of Downing-Street.