A.—No. 6.

assisted by combined action between the Colonial and Imperial Governments, but which seem hopeless under the present system of Colonial administration. In such a state of affairs, the assembling together of a body of duly authorized representatives of the various Colonies, empowered to take counsel with each other and with the Imperial Government, appears to us an object not unworthy a British statesman. But if proof were needed of the expediency of such a measure, it is supplied by Lord Granville's own address. The great question which at present troubles the minds of persons interested in Colonial affairs, is the indication, on the part of Her Majesty's Government, of an intention to promote the separation of the Colonies from the Empire. We need not refer to the various circumstances which have occasioned this general apprehension, which is not relieved by Lord Granville's address. It is true that His Lordship says, in qualified terms, that "he shall be exceedingly sorry to see England lose all her Colonies ;" but it is clear that he contemplates a change of relations between them tending in that direction, and which, unless carefully guarded, must end in that result. In the concluding part of his address, his Lordship, referring to an interview with a New Zealand Colonist, exhibits in a startling form the principles of Colonial policy now formally adopted. These principles are applied to the special case of New Zealand. We do not intend to refer to the circumstances of that Colony, but we desire to draw your attention to the course of Imperial action towards it, as involving principles governing all the Colonies under like circumstances. New Zealand is involved in war with the Natives, and is threatened with great apparent danger. She appeals to the Home Government for help, to the extent at least of allowing a British regiment, actually in the Colony, to remain there for a time, the Colony offering to pay for it, upon any terms which the Imperial Government may demand. That the dangers are not imaginary, seems to be admitted by the Imperial Government itself, as one of the arguments by which the removal of the regiment is justified is the expediency of opening the eyes of the Colonists to a full sense of them. The application is rejected by the Imperial Government, disclaiming all further concern in the internal affairs of the Colony, all responsibility for the safety of its inhabitants, and all obligation to extend to them aid or protection in any form. On the other hand the Imperial Government announces, that if the Colony desires to abandon its allegiance to the Crown, or even to annex itself to a foreign State, however imprudent such a step may be, no forcible measures will be used to hinder that course of action. To use Lord Granville's words, " He will be exceedingly sorry to see England deprived of all her Colonies, but this country will never attempt to retain them by brute force." In other words, the • Colony is free to go. Indeed, with the refusal of protection, the right to seek aid from foreign powers seems to be a necessary privilege. Such a view of the relations between the mother country and her Colonies may or may not be just and wise. It is beyond a doubt that, if not entirely new, it is now, at least, for the first time, formally announced and practically acted upon. The reciprocal ties of protection and allegiance which have hitherto proved the basis of the relations between the mother country and the Colonies are thus practically dissolved, and the connection, if any is still to exist, must be placed upon some new, and, as yet, undefined basis. The consequences of this change are momentous, as affecting not merely the interests of the Colonies in relation to the mother country, but inter se. Upon what conditions, and in what form is this right of secession to be exercised? Is it to be with or without the authority of Parliament? Will a declaration of independence on the part of a Colony, ipso facto, absolve Her Majesty's subjects from their allegiance and. the penal consequences of a breach of that allegiance ? Is such secession to be permitted to any Colony at its pleasure, without regard to the interests of other Colonies adjacent, and forming part of the same group ? May New Zealand, for instance, detach itself from the neighbouring Colonies of Australia, or Victoria establish an independent republic on the borders of Now South Wales ? One instance of this kind has occurred in South Africa, in the case of the Orange Iliver sovereignty. Is that precedent to be established as a rule ? Again, is it intended to throw upon the Colonies the whole cost and responsibility of naval and military self-defence in the case of foreign wars in which they may become involved by their connection with the mother country ? Or to what extent, and under what conditions may they look for help ? These unsettled questions surely demand the attention of Colonial Governments. Considerations of the above nature induced us to address to you our former letter suggesting a conference in London of Colonial representatives. The grounds on which that suggestion was based appear to us as greatly strengthened by Lord Granville's speech. We can only add our regret, that for the present, at least, the object appears to be ■unattainable. We have, <fcc, James A. Yovl, ~) The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, Henry Sewell, > Honorary Secretaries. Wellington, New Zealand. H. Blaine, )

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COLONIAL CONFERENCE IN LONDON.