_*.—No. 9.

12

CORRESPONDENCE RELATIVE TO THE

make any written statements, for we thought the first condition of success would be the avoidance of controversy about the past, or any reference to the recriminations that had been going on between the two Governments. Lord Granville more than once offered to lay before the Cabinet any paper we might wish to draw up ; but we believed that so long as he would not himself, as Colonial Minister, advise his colleagues to reconsider their course, the mere submission by him of a memorandum of ours would have no effect upon them, while it would probably terminate our personal communications with him, and be tho opening of a paper warfare which would do us no good. Thus it is that we have no public documents to send you, and that the report of a whole month's efforts may be summed up in the words that we have as yet failed to produce any impression sufficient to induce the Government to change their minds. But however fixed may be the determination of the Cabinet on the subject of the troops, it is not so certain that our whole future relations will be summarily disposed of without more inquiry. Many members of both Houses of Parliament have communicated with us, and it is impossible for us to convey to you all the kindness and sympathy which have been, expressed for the Colony. In some way, and probably very soon, the friends of New Zealand will raise in Parliament the question of the abandonment of the Colony to its fate while the struggle for which the Imperial Government is at least as responsible as the Colony is yet unfinished ; and whatever may be the result of the debates that will inevitably take place, one thing is certain, that the most serious attention will be called to the unfairness of requiring New Zealand to finish that struggle alone. The time is at hand when we shall be obliged, in all probability, to place on record the remonstrances which we have laid before Lord Granville, and the grounds on which, at this time beyond all others, we have appealed to him to reconsider the question of removing the troops ; meanwhile, there does not seem to be much use in stating here (for it will be obvious to you) the substance of what we have said to him. But we think it right to mention one point at once. Tip to the time of our leaving New Zealand, the question at issue between the two Governments seemed narrowed to the retention or removal of the 18th Eegiment. But Lord Granville's Despatch of last October introduced a new subject of far larger importance —the recognition of the authority of the Maori King. In the Despatch itself, perhaps, this question was but vaguely shadowed forth, but in the correspondence that afterwards took place between the Colonial Office and Sir George Grey, the intention of the Government was distinctly avowed. Now we have considered it necessary that this proposal to recognize tho King's authority should bo examined with reference to the legal points involved. When Lord Granville asks the Colonial Government to make that recognition, there does not seem to be any provision enabling them to make it; and this is a legal question not to be lightly settled, for its determination will carry with it the gravest consequence to New Zealand. Lawyers of eminence, we are assured, will laugh at the supposition that the Colonial Government has any authority to do what it is asked to do ; and we are now preparing a case to be laid before Sir Eoundell Palmer, whose opinion may be expected to be accepted on all sides, as to whether there exists any such authority ; and if so, in what way and to what extent. If the result of this inquiry should be, as we have no reason to doubt, to make it clear that no " recognition of Maori authority" can take place by any act or legislation in New Zealand, the Government in England would have to decide whether they would make that recognition themselves. But we have good reason to believe that Her Majesty's Government are by no means prepared to propose any surrender of the Queen's sovereign rights, though perhaps they might not have been displeased if we had propounded any scheme of " recognition" ourselves, and would have been willing to assist us in giving it effect. Of course we pointed out that no recognition such as the King has hitherto required, and would be satisfied with, would ever be made by the General Assembly, or submitted to by the chiefs, and we stated very plainly what disasters would result from attempting it. We declared in short, very explicitly, that the Colony would be no party to such a surrender of the Queen's sovereignty as Lord Granville had suggested. This case may perhaps be the turning point in our favour. It cannot be supposed that the Imperial Government would continue to require us to do what it was shown we had no power to do ; while their own unwillingness to devise and define a scheme of their own for tho recognition of tho King might induce them to lay aside their advice of last October, and consent to meet us on some new ground. We have, &c, F. D. Bell, The Hon. the Colonial Secretary, I. E. Featherston, Wellington, New Zealand. Commissioners.

No. 7. Telegram signed by Hon. Messrs. Vogel and McLean, and dated Auckland, 2nd April, was sent to Commissioners by San Francisco. The copy of this telegram is mislaid, but a copy will be sent for and published in the Appendix. The telegram was to the effect of authorizing the Commissioners to propose a modified arrangement, under which the Governor could, when au emergency arose, send for Imperial Troops, and requesting that Lord Granville should let such arrangement, if agreed to, be officially known to the Natives.