7

A.—7

And in this connection I would venture to refer to an expression in an eloquent speech of my right honourable friend, the Premier of the Dominion of Canada—an expression which has called forth much appreciation in this country, although I believe that Sir Wilfrid Laurier has himself in subsequent speeches explained that it was not quite correctly understood. But the expression was, "If you want our aid call us to your Councils." Gentlemen, we do want your aid. We do require your assistance in the administration of the vast Empire which is yours as well as ours. The weary Titan staggers under the too vast orb of its fate. We have borne the burden for many years. We think it is time that our children should assist us to support it, and whenever you make the request to us, be very sure that we shall listen gladly to call you to our Councils. If you are prepared at any time to take any share, any proportionate share, in the burdens of the Empire, we are prepared to meet you with any proposal for giving to you a corresponding voice in the policy of the Empire. And the object, if I may point out to you, may be achieved in various ways. Suggestions have been made that representation should be given to the colonies in either or in both Houses of Parliament. There is no objection in principle to any such proposal. If it comes to us, it is a proposal which His Majesty's Government would certainly feel justified in favourably considering; but I have always felt myself that the most practical form in which we could achieve our object would be the establishment or the creation of a real Council of the Empire to which all questions of Imperial interest might be referred, and if it were desired to proceed gradually, as probably would be our course—we are all accustomed to the slow ways in which our Constitutions have been worked out —if it be desired to proceed gradually, the Council might in the first instance be merely an advisory Council. It would resemble in some respects the advisory Council which was established in Australia, and which, although it was not wholly successful, did nevertheless pave the way for the complete federation upon which we now congratulate them. But, although that would be a preliminary step, it is clear that the object would not be completely secured until there had been conferred upon such a Council .executive functions, and perhaps also legislative powers, and it is for you to say, gentlemen, whether you think the time has come when any progress whatever can be made in this direction. In the absence of any formal constitution of the Empire, the nearest approach to such a Council is to be found in the Conference which we open to-day —a Conference, a meeting, of the principal representatives of the Motherland and also of the nations which, together with the United Kingdom, constitute the Empire. And I observe upon the paper of subjects which will be distributed to you, and of which notice has been given for consideration at further meetings of the Conference, that the Premier of New Zealand, on behalf of that colony, has made a proposal for transforming these Conferences—which have been held hitherto rather casually, and only in connection with special occasions—into a periodical meeting. If this were done, or if an Imperial Council were established, it is clear that the two subjects which would immediately call for its attention are those which I have already mentioned—of Imperial defence and commercial relations. And we invite your special attention to these two subjects on the present occasion. Imperial Defence. As regards Imperial defence, I propose to lay before you, for your information, a paper (Appendix I.) which will show the comparative amount of the ordinary naval and military expenditure of the United Kingdom and of the different self-governing colonies. You will find that in the case of the United Kingdom the cost of our armaments has enormously increased since 1897. That increase is not entirely due to our initiative, but it is forced upon us by the action of other Powers who have made great advances, especially in connection with the navy, which we have found it to be our duty and necessity to equal. But the net result is extraordinary. At the present moment the estimates for the present year for naval and military expenditure in the United Kingdom—not including the extraordinary war expenses, but the normal estimates—involve an expenditure per head of the population of the United Kingdom of 295. 3d.—295. 3d. per head per annum. Sir Wilfrid Laurier : Is the military and naval together ? The Secretary of State : Military and naval together. In Canada the same items involve an expenditure of only 2s. per head of the population, about one-fifteenth of that incurred by the United Kingdom. In New South Wales —I have not the figures for the Commonwealth as a whole, but I am giving those as illustrations —and I find that in New South Wales the expenditure is 3s. 5d.; in Victoria, 3s. 3d.; in New Zealand, 3s. 4d.; and in the Cape and Natal I think it is between 2s. and 3s. Now, no one, I think, will pretend that that is a fair distribution of the burdens of Empire. No one will believe that the United Kingdom can for all time make this inordinate sacrifice. While the colonies were young and poor, in the first place, they did not offer anything like the same temptation to the ambitions of others ; and, in the second place, they were clearly incapable of providing large sums for their own defence, and therefore it was perfectly right and natural that the Mother-country should undertake the protection of her children. But now that the colonies are rich and powerful, that every day they are growing by leaps and bounds, their material prosperity promises to rival that of the United Kingdom itself, and I think it is inconsistent with their position —inconsistent with their dignity as nations—that they should leave the Mother-country to bear the whole or almost the whole of the expense. Justification of union is that a bundle is stronger than the sticks which compose it, but if the whole strain is to be thrown upon one stick there is very little advantage in any attempt to put them into a bundle. And I would beg of you in this relation to bear in mind that you are not asked — your people are not asked —to put upon their own shoulders any burden for the exclusive advantage of the Mother-country. On the contrary, if the United Kingdom stood alone, as a mere speck on the northern sea, it is certain that its expenditure for these purposes of defence might be immensely curtailed. It is owing to its duties and obligations to its colonies