346

A.—s

and that the local sentiment is so strong that we eio think we have a right to appeal- to the Imperial Government, and expect that, while not departing from their fixed policy of Free Trade, they will be prepared with some means to meet us on those articles on which they have already a tariff, without asking them to go so far as to put up a tariff upon articles which, at the present moment, are practically subject to no tariff whatsoever. I was surprised when, as an example, Mr. Asquith gave us his historical resume of the reason of our loss of the American colonies; because really the position is so different from what we are asking for. The reason of the loss of the American Colonies was that Great Britain desired to force her tariff in the interests of her manufactures, without any reciprocal advantages whatsoever; but that is not what we ask for. What we ask for is that there should be some mutual understanding, that there should be some mutual consideration; and I do think that we have a right to expect at the hands of the Imperial Government, that they will earnestly try and meet us, and reason with us, and see if there is no way whatsoever in which they can meet a sentiment which is very strongly existent throughout the length and breadth of the Empire. When Mr. Asquith, in his able address, stated that he felt convinced that if this question of Free Trade as against Protection was to be laid before the House of Commons the vote would be two to one or three to one against any alteration of the principle. We do not ask the Imperial Government in any way to alter principles to which they are pledged, and which are their conscientious convictions, but I do make bold to say this, Lord that if Mr. Asquith would go to the House of Commons, and, while retaining the doctrine of Free Trade, would plead as strongly the possibilities of meeting us in some way, as he has pleaded hard in the opposite direction, the majority might be entirely different. Because I hold before me at the present moment a Bill dealing with the tobacco industry in Ireland, and it was news to me, and I have no doubt it was news to many people in Great Britain, that the laws of this country are of such a character as to make it absolutely prohibitory to grow tobacco, which could be made a very profitable industry in Ireland. That really brings me back to the fact that although things may have been very good 60 years ago, really there comes a period of time when it is worth while considering whether they should not be altered. Now with regard to the tobacco : I am perfectly certain that Ireland would accept it, You are now introducing a Bill withdrawing the restrictions in Ireland when the Excise Department have made proper arrangements for collecting the excise; and surety a reduction in the duty of tobacco might be accepted by the Imperial Government and by the House of Commons. I believe at the present moment there are arrangements whereby the Imperial Government have committed themselves to the principles of preference in connection with tobacco that is grown in Ireland; and I should like Mr. Lloyd George to tell me if I am incorrect, although it may be stated by the Chancellor that it is grown for experimental purposes; and whereas the excise upon ordinary tobacco coming into England is 3s. a lb., the excise upon this tobacco is 2s. a lb., making thereby a differentiation in favour of the Irish article, even although you may meet any argument by stating that it is only for experimental purposes. Surely it would be very welcome to the Irish members, who are strong supporters of the Government, as also to the Colonies and India. That will at once reduce by 80 the maioritv which Mr. Asquith said would be opposed to any alteration of the tariff. Surely it would be advantageous to Ireland, which has great possibilities for growing tobacco; and surely it would be enormously advantageous to South Africa and to Australia if, instead of putting up the duties, you were to reduce those

Tenth Day. 2 May 1907.

Preferential Trade. (Dr. Smartt)