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On several occasions we raised our voice in favour of the United Nations way of doing things —when we proposed that the United Nations should arrange the administration of the Italian colonies ; when we suggested that the Security Council should determine the future level of armaments in the ex-enemy States —when we asked this Conference to encourage the establishment of United Nations' machinery to protect the human rights of individual citizens. We would have proposed other matters suitable for United Nations action, but when other delegations showed no favourable disposition, and even opposition, toward this way of doing things (which we are convinced is the right way), we did not remain intransigent, and we recognized that other issues required that we should not delay the work of the Conference by insistently pressing views that had been rejected after deliberation. So much for our general position. A very few detailed points. First, I wish to express the pleasure of the New Zealand delegation at the conclusion of an agreement between Italy and Austria to respect the rights and liberties of the people of the South Tyrol. This arrangement was as important in its way as any we concluded during these discussions, and I hope we shall express the concern of this Conference with the future welfare of the Tyrolese by giving the new clause 10a, sponsored by Belgium and the Netherlands, at least a two-thirds majority. Italians have here a splendid opportunity of showing that there is a way of solving Europe's great problem—the problem of minority nationalties. lam sure the parties to this agreement are both determined to make it a success, and there is the highest hope it may become an example for other nations. Second, our satisfaction at the adoption of the very reasonable Australian proposal for the co-ordination of reparations deliveries from Italy. The creation of the machinery proposed will avoid confusion and waste and will help Italy to fulfil her obligations, to her own advantage and to the obvious advantage of the States receiving reparations. Here is a case worthy of the full support of the Conference. Thirdly, I wish to associate myself with the remarks of Field Marshal Smuts about Greece. When problems affecting Greece are raised no New Zealander can forget that our men fought by the side of the Greeks in Greece at a time when Germany was at the height of her power and our Allies were not as numerous as they later became. When a New Zealand soldier was cut off from his comrades, he was secure among the Greek people, who tended his wounds, concealed him from Germans, fed him when they were themselves in direst need. People in New Zealand cannot forget things like this, and it would be unnatural if a New Zealand delegation forgot them either. It is our hope that the Council of Foreign Ministers will bear in mind the heroic sacrifices of the Greek people when they draft the peace treaties in their final form. Finally, I feel compelled to go back to my remarks made at the opening of this Conference —that compromises should only be agreed to if we all sincerely intend to be loyal to the compromise. The Great Powers and a two-thirds majority of the Conference have agreed to the establishment of international control over an area whose economy is bound up with the whole of Central Europe and whose citizens are at present at daggers drawn. Let us be quite clear that in taking the responsibility of proposing an international solution we are unitedly and resolutely resolved to uphold that solution as a permanent settlement.