THE ELECTIONS.

Globe, Volume IV, Issue 457, 1 December 1875, Page 2

THE ELECTIONS.

SIR J. C. WILSON AT COLOMBO ROAD. Sir J. C. Wilson, one of the candidates for Heathcote, addressed |the electors last evening at the Colombo road schoolroom. There was a fair attendance, the room being well filled. Mr Wm. Wilson took the chair on the motion of Sir Cracroft Wilson. The chairman said he had great pleasure in taking the chair, and hoped they would express the confidence they felt in their old and tried member, Sir Cracroft Wilson, and hoped they would, when they had heard Sir Cracroft's opinions, renew their confidence in him. He had now much pleasure in introducing Sir Cracroft Wilson.

Sir Cracroffc Wilson said in the first place he had to thank them for coming there that evening. His thanks were also due to the chairman and school committee of the school for their courtesy in letting him have the school that evening. One great good in having these schools was that they had rooms where they could meet, and this was one of the many numerous benefits conferred upon Canterbury by these buildings. He was now going a touch on a painful subject, which was this. When he left here for Wellington he was attacked by influenza, and had he consulted his own health he should have lain by, but it was not in his nature to do so. Leaving a heated room at all hours of the night, he was laid up for two weeks, and then was prohibited from going back to the House. However, he could not keep away, and he managed when late hours came on to get a friend to pair with him. However, he fought out as well as he could, and hoped that he had done his duty, although perhaps he had not spoken as much as they might have wished. Even that evening he was very unwell, and if they saw any shortcomings, he hoped they would remember that he had been seriously ill. The system adopted during the last session was one against which a man who was ill could not stand up, because the tactics adopted were to attempt to weary out those in favor of abolition—not of provinces, but of Superintendents and Provincial Councils. When he last addressed them, the proposal was that the provinces of the North Island should be abolished. He had then told them, under this idea, that Canterbury and Otago might last for two years more. When he reached Wellington, it was found that the financial state of Westland and Nelson was such that it was impossible to retain them without giving them large subsidies. Well, it then became a question what was to be done with them. It was seen that it was impossible to keep those two provinces hanging on to the solvent provinces, and therefore it was thought better to abolish all the provinces. He was not prepared to vote a large sum of money to keep these provinces on their legs, and so he agreed with those who thought it better that;Canterbury and Otago, and all the other provinces, should be abolished. Therefore he had accepted the remedy which was proposed, viz, abolition of the provinces as a whole. The fact was that the existence of the provinces was a matter of financial impossibility. It was not a matter of whether they liked it or not. They had spent so much money ex travagantly in public works, &c, that the system of double Government became financially impossible. He had always set his face against political railways, such as the one proposed from Picton to Blenheim. He was not going to say anything about the economy of the Government, because when this railway came before a committee, of which he was a member, in 1871, they had reported against it, though suggesting that it might be undertaken by a company. But what was the fact ? Why, that when the railway scheme came down to the House this railway was amongst those proposed and carried. Now this was a political railway, and there were two votes depending on it—two votes which had since most firmly attached themselves to the Government. [Hear, hear.] Now this he said was wrong, but still they had cue in Canterbury—the Kaiapoi-Byretonline, which also should never have been made. [Cheers.] His opinion was that no branch lines should be made until the trunk lines had been constructed, because the former could not carry on properly until the trunk lines were made, and the money spent on the branch lines prevented the trunk lines being done. He had been assured by Mr Richardson that the money now raised would only suffice to do the railways now in progress, and not a foot of railway would be made after this until a new regime —probably of borrowing more money—had been initiated. But while saying this of the General Government, he might say that since he had taken office as head of the Executive of Canterbury he had seen such things that, had he known what he had to go through, not even the flattering request made to him by a majority of the Provincial Council would have induced him to take office. [Hear, hear.] They were now going to have abolition—for though put off to next session, he thought the people of Canterbury would have it, and their only chance now was to practise economy, aod thus show the lenders of money in England that they were a prudent people. Do not let them get a name for recklessness like some other nations. Whoever went to the Assembly must bend to circumstances, and give up the present extravagant way of going on. The debt of the colony was now about twenty millions, and their income one million and three-quarters, their intereston loans about a million, leaving them three quarters of a million to carry on the Government of the country. They were spending a lot of money on the native question; and although he had offered to put the whole thing down tor £500,000, his offer had not been accepted, and it had cost them about a million of money. There was no doubt that the present extravagance in the native department must be put down, because the number of hangers on to the native office was something fearful, The whole

thing was a mystery. No information was given when members asked for it. It was said it was contrary to good policy, and the fact was the whole thing waß a mystery and humbug from beginning to end. So too as regarded the civil service. There were far too many hands to do the work, and he advocated retrenchment there. One great thing was that when abolition came into force there would be no complication of accounts. He knew that it was hard for any Government to say that they would not give money when there were so many Superintendents wanting money for their provinces, but this state of things must now cease. The fact was they would have to make the Colonial Government practice economy, because now all these pretences were unnecessary. He wanted them to select the best men they could ; men they could trust; men of honesty of purpose who could represent their interests. They all knew how easy it was to send in the wrong man. [Hear, hear.] If that "hear, hear" was meant for him, he said let them go to history and they would see there that he had never given a selfish vote: If they thought so let them point it out. Now, as to the Abolition Bill. They would probably wish to hear something of it. The largest majority in its favor on any division was, he believed forty-six, and when he saw that three-fourths of the minority were righting this battle by talking against time, he thought there was something more than patriotism in it. It was, he thought, the duty of a true patriot to bow when he saw a majority against him, and not to waste the public time and money in the way it had been last session. When he saw that the honorarium had been increased, and that money was wasted by the way in which the Opposition had been carried on, he said it was a bitter mistake, and one under which no country could prosper. In 1861 there was a rule in the standing orders by which any member could get up in any debate and move that the question be now put, when the debate was at once closed; but it was rescinded, and he, after last session, thought this had been a mistake, as it would have checked a great deal of the waste of time which had occurred. All government by majority ceased, when it was impossible to put an end to a debate which had exceeded all limits. It was found last session that a compromise was necessary. He did not approve of compromises in Parliament, but unless this had been done, it was said the session would never have ended. [Laughter.] It was agreed that the Bill should pass, but not come into force until the end of the first session of the new Parliament. He was surprised to see the chuckling with which the Wellington members who could attend to their business viewed the torment to which they subjected the distant members. He therefore thought that they should replace the standing order to which he had referred. The Press newspaper had published his speech on the abolition question in the House, and he believed that exception had been taken to his having spoken of the faults and foibles of certain Superintendents, But he said that the public acts of public officers were open to criticism at any time if it served his argument to do so. It was something unfortunate that he had done this, because after he had done this he had the misfortune to be followed by the member for Selwyn (Mr Reeves). lie (Sir C. Wilson) was absent, being ill and disgusted, and did not know Mr was going to speak ; but he might say that he did not care what Mr Reeves said of him, his praise or blame fell alike unnoticed on his ear. A telegram went to Christchurch that Mr Reeves had given Sir Cracroft Wilson a severe dressing ; that Sir Cracroft had known of it and had kept away. [Laughter.] Now those present might remember that he had been threatened to be pelted with rotten eggs in the Town Hall when he exhibited a certain caricature, aud had also bearded a much greater man than Mr Reeves, his partner Mr Crosbie Ward. [Laughter ] Should it then be said that he was afraid of so puny a man in comparison to Mr Ward as Mr Reeves. [Laughter.] He was not afraid of any human beiug—let him stop however —he was afraid of an abusive old woman. [Laughter.J If he met an abusive old woman he should run like a lamplighter—[laughterj—but not from a man. | Laughter.] Therefore he said on his honor that he did not know Mr Reeves was going to speak. Had he done so he would have been in his place and would have given him an opportunity to give him a dressing, as he (Mr Reeves) called it, to his face. Therefore he said that it was not true, as had been sent down here by Mr Reeves, that he (Sir C. Wilson) had purposely absented himself for fear of the dressing he would get. It was also added that bis (Sir C. Wilson's) name would be forgotten, while the gentlemen he had referred to would be remembered. His (Sir O. Wilson's) name was on the pages of history, and any one could see it. But there were different kinds of history, and he (Sir 0. Wilson) had no ambition to figure in the " Newgate Calendar." Now he would speak on Education. The Provincial Council had, by a majority, swept away the Board of Education on account of its extravagance. Let them look at Timaru, where £1350 had been placed on the estimates for the master's house, which he thought was very extravagant. It had been said that the master wanted to take private pupils, but he asked them if it was not monstrous that the people of New Zealand should have to pay for the convenience of these private pupils. He therefore agreed with the majority, and the very large majority, of the Provincial Council who were in favor of sweeping away the irresponsible Board, which he thought was a good thing, j'" No, no."] It had been their intention to select a Secretary of Education, who, from his high scholastic acquirements, would have been a great acquisition, working under one of the Execut ve. If they looked in the original Ordinance, they would not see a word about a Minister of Education, but they were not allowed to do this, and a Minister of Education was forced down their throats. [A Voice with the General Assembly ? "] Well, he only wished to tell them before he was asked questions, what was the aspect of affairs. His opinion was that now they had gob abolition they would have to take up a colonial scheme of education. [Cheers.J His idea was that they had gone too highly into ornamentation—[cheers] —and spent by far too much money, as would be found yet by the taxpayers of the colony. He was not an opponent of education—far from it—but he said that they should keep the cost of their education within their means. As regarded the increase of the parents' fees, he might say that he had gone into the matter

and he found that the cost of education was nearly as much in England as here, and therefore he did not think that the increase was uncalled for. Now, as regarded the question of dealing with the runs in 1880, and first, as regarded the term "squatter." This term he was tmable to find in any English dictionary, but believed it was an American term. He might say that he had paid an extra rent since 1870, in advance, and he did not know that he had done any wrong. He had spent a great deal of money on land held by him, on what, to say the best of it, was but an insecure tenure. He was quite prepared in 1880 to do what was fair, but he wanted to see the question decided by those who were not directlv interested in the matter. [Hear, hear. | One thing was certain, that the smaller runs were all being absorbed into larger holdings, and if they split up the runs into small portions in 1880 they would find this repeated. They would, if this were done, do a great wrong and encourage a great deal of wild speculation, without the slightest foundation. It cost as much to manage a run of 5000 acres as to manage one of 20,000 or more, and the result would be the absorption of the smaller runs into the larger. If the very low prices for wool prevalent in August remained in April, May and June they would see such a mercantile panic in Canterbury as they had not yet had. He had, he thought, no fear that wrong would be done in 1880, when the runs would fall in to the province. Was he to blame if his speculation succeeded ? Certainly not. [A Voice—- " We want to hear your views on the subjects which will come before the next Parliament."] Well, he had given them his riews on a subject which waa of great importance, and would be prepared to answer any questions they might think fit to ask. At the close of the last session he had been asked to represent another constituency, but he had said that he had been returned twice by the Heathcote, and until he was released by them he would not desert them. If he were so released, he told the gentlemen who waited on him, he would be happy to do their work for them. He refused to desert the Heathcote; until he was toid that they did not want him he would not leave them. He had now concluded, and would answer any questions.

In answer to questions, Sir Cracroft Wilson said that the next Parliament lasting until 1881, that Parliament would have to decide the matter of the runs. He said that he thought the matter should be decided by disinterested persons ; but that waß no reason why he should not be sent to Parliament. The reason why he had voted against the Canterbury Board of Education Bill was that it was mixed up with fraud. It was brought in to him wet from the presp, and they attempted to get it through the whole of the stages in one day. Even those who voted for it said to Mr Montgomery and Mr Rolleston " No, no ; this is too bad, we must have another day." It was only twenty-seven hours before the House, and therefore he said that it was not a straightforward measure. He thought that Mr Thomas Russell, who was a director of the Bank of New Zealand, had had too much to do with the Government of the colony altogether, and he had always said this, and had given great offence to many for doing so. If the questioner meant that Mr Thomas Russell had had too much to do with the Government of the colony, he said he went with him. He would most decidedly give his guarantee that he would not go down as a representative of the Bank of New Zealand but of the Heathcote district. He had opposed the arrangements made for the purchase of the debentures of the provinces most strenuously when the Government guaranteed the provincial loans. Mr Thomas Russell had been a power above the Crown and higher than the Crown. He had never supported the Bank of New Zealand in any one of these iniquities. He had hardly made up his mind as to what was to be done j as regarded the taxation of the country. The Customs duties must not be raised, ! and it would have to fall on property and income. His opinion waß that the i Custom duties had reached their acme and | limit. The fairest way of taxation be j for all to go to the treasury and pay the j amount they were to be assessed at. If he was asked whether he was of opinion that j taxation should full upon property and iucome, he should answer certainly to some extent. He was a free trader, as he considered that there should be no taxation on articles produced in Australasia, as he was in favor of a free interchange of commodities between Australia and New Zealand. He would not if returned be a party to spending money to acquire fresh land for a central railway station, while he was convinced that the Government possessed sufficient freehold of their own for the purpose. He would not bo a party to a job of this kind. He had land in Manchester street, but he had never offered it to the Government, though he had had it for some years. As regarded the Legislative Council he might say that this body had done good service. If they made the Upper House elective—and he did not say they should not—they mu9t remember they would give the Upper House more power. They would be able to oppose the Lower House even more than now. The question was one which required a great deal of consideration, and he would, if elected, study the question with a view to giving a calm and dispassionate vote. He thought that there would be more chance of the Houses coming into collision. With re- j gard to the promise of the £1 per £1 and £2 for £2 promised, he had seen .such promises made before and turn out fallacies. If the Government set to work economically they could govern the colony Sor the three-quarters of a million which would remain after the interest on their Soans had been paid. This is what should be ■done, because they could not keep these promises unless it was. As regards triennial parliaments he had not given the subject much consideration, and was not prepared to say anything on it. He did not know that the turmoil of oft-recurring contested elections would tend to settle men lo business, rather the other way. He thought that it was self evident that an educated people was the best for property was benefitted thereby. He thought that property now contributed to education without receiving any personal benefit therefrom. There were many who now paid the tax who derived no benefit. He said that property ought to contribute perhaps more than it did now, but that it did so was not at all to be controverted. As regarded the cost of the volunteers he might say that he had striven for years to keep discipline in the Canterbury volunteers, but on her Majesty's birthday, when he found that there were only two officers besides himself and two privates,

he came to the conclusion that it waa time he retired. He might point out that it was neceasary that in the North Island they must keep up an armed force, because it would not do to shew the natives that they were not prepared. They wanted a nucleus of armed men in the North Island, because this was absolutely necessary. He was quite prepared to say that the Native office should be done away with, because as long as Sir Donald McLean was at the head of affairs, they would have nothing but mystery. He was of opinion that it would be better to have the Militia Act in force, but would they tell him how long a Ministry would stand who called out the militia. Of course the Superintendents would combine together to kick out any Ministry who might do so. [Laughter. | His opinion was that the state of discipline in the volunteers did not warrant the expenditure of money now going on. If elected, he should be prepared to vote against the vote for the volunteers appearing on the estimates if ho could see his way clear to get the money saved, but he did not want to go up to Wellington as a mere forlorn hope, and perhaps not find a seconder. The expenditure had been much reduced, because members now found that they did not get the money for their provinces. Formerly they used to be able to log-roll, and then they did not care how much money they spent. He could not give the exact amount of the value of the runs, but it had been calculated that the cost of management was 2s 6d per sheep, when managed in large numbers. He might also say 1 hat he had tried his best to increase the carrying capacities of his runs, but had utterly failed in doing more than keeping a sheep to each two acres. This would give them an idea of what was the cost of holding a run. The keeping of a sheep to the two acres referred to merinos, not to crosssbreds. They expected to get £2 an acre for land which, as he had told them, would only carry a sheep to two acres. There would be some land which would be cheap, at 3d per acre rent for the next ten years, and some that would be dear, as there was some land which w;mld not keep a sheep to four acres. He did not know whether it would not be better to put the runs up to auction, but he had not yet considered it. He believed large sums had been paid for interests in runs while wool was high, and when runs were not stocked, but since then a change had been noticeable, and a downward tendency had set in which had not yet concluded. The question of the runs was a great difficulty, but if elected he would say this, that he would do all he could to settle the question on a fair and equitable basis, He would see that the public of Canterbury were not injured. Leases they could not nor must not give; but then they must recollect that they could not expect a large sum, as they could not give an indefeasible title. [Hear, hear.] He believed the present rent of rues was Id per acre. He should support any plan which would simplify the present mode of registration of votes. He did not believe in the present one, which was a very cumbersome system altogether. It had cost a great deal of money for the preparation of the lists, and he should be glad to get rid of the system now in force. Regarding the question of the assessment of the runs, or what should be done with the runs, he was not prepared to say what course should be adopted. He said that he would not be in favour of putting the runs up to auction, nor in dividing the runs into small portions; but it would be some years yet before it would be decided, and he said further that it waß a question which had hundreds of circumstances connected with it to be considered. He would see in the General Assembly that the action taken on this matter was such as should be just, and he would pledge himself to see that the public of Canterbury was not robbed. He did not want to see the revenues of Canterbury deteriorated. He had always been trained to look at both sides of the questior, and would do so now; but he would gay this, that he would never be one to see injustice done to Canterbury whether it wa« done by a brother sheepowner or a brother freeholder. He had voted for the Bill for Lodger Franchise brought in by the Government, but it had been thrown out. tie was not incliued to give any protection to New Zealand manufactures after the failure of the industry in Otago, which cost the country £40,000. He would, however, be in favor of a bonus, but only given once, aud not continuous. To do anything else would be ruiuous to the country. [Hear, hear.] He would not be in favor of imposing differential duties on articles brought from other places. He said that Sir Julius Vogel had violated all the rules of the public service by leaving the colony. He had done wrong, alarmingly wrong, and had drawn a large salary. Ho (Sir C, Wilson) would, if he was in the House, oppose the voting of the salary to Sir Julius Vogel until he had accouuted for what he had drawn. He drew the bills in England, and the Parliament in the colony bad to honor them. As regarded trie Sau Francisco mail service, he had told the Government that it was wrong for Sir Julius Vogel to have exceeded his powers, but they were implicated with Sydney, and he (Sir Cracroft) had said that the Ministry should alter the matter during the recess. This was the reason why he had voted for the contract. The fact was Mr Macandrew was the man who wanted to lug the big steamers down the coast, and he was a power in the State because he had several votes. He (Sir C. Wilson) was in favor of having the service along the coast done by our own steamers. He was not in favor of a divis'on of the islands, because he thought that they would do better as a united people. [Cheers.] They had stuck by the North Island during its adversity, and now its prosperity was coming they should not desert them. [Cheers.] There being no further questions,

The chairman said that Sir Cracroft would onlj be too happy to hear the views of any gentlemen, whether opposing candidate or not.

Mr Fisher said that, while thanking Sir 0. Wilson for his courtesy, he thought it was too late now to avail himself of Sir Cracroft's kindness. [ Hear > bear.] He would call another meeting here on another occasion. [Hear, hear .J

Mr Hall moved —" That this meeting having heard the political sentiments of Sir Cracmft Wilson, desires to renew its continued confidence in his fitness as the representative of the Heathcote district in the General Assembly, and to assure him of its continued support;" Mr King seconded the motion.

Mr Saunders complained of the indefinite nature of the speech delivered by Sir 0. Wilson, and also of the manner in which he

had spoken of his colleagues and opponents which he believed would not be endorsed by that meeting. The motion was then put and negatived by a large majority. The meeting then dispersed. MR. BLUETT AT ASHBURTON. On Monday evening Mr Bluett, a candidate for re-election to represent the district of Coleridge in the General Assembly, addressed a crowded meeting in the large room at the Somerset Hotel, Ashburton. Mr Donald Williamson was voted to the chair, and briefly introduced Mr Bluett to the meeting, Mr Bluett, who was well received, made a long speech, in which he reviewed the incidents of the past session of Parliament, and defended himself against the attacks which had been made on him as a " blind follower of Sir Julius Vogel." After Mr Bluett had replied to various questions addressed to him, Mr Tosswill addressed the meeting at some length. Mr A. Saunders moved—" That in the opinion of this meeting Mr Bluett has not efficiently represented this district in the past, and ia therefore not likely to do so in the future." Mr Welch seconded the motion.

Mr Brown moved, as an amendment—- " That this meeting thanks Mr Bluett for his past services, but does not promise to support him in the forthcoming election." Mr Quill seconded the amendment.

On the amendment being put, only four hands were held up for it. The chairman then put the original resolution, and declared it to be carried by a large majority. A vote of thanks to the chairman terminated the proceedings.