THE ELECTIONS.

Globe, Volume IV, Issue 463, 8 December 1875, Page 2

THE ELECTIONS.

HIS HONOR THE SUPERINTENDENT AT PAPANUI. His Honor W. Rolleeton, M.H.E. for Avon, addressed the electors of that distiiot at the church schoolroom, Papanui, last evening. There was a very good attendance, the room being filled. Mr Lowe moved and Mr Bell seconded—- “ That Mr Matson, senior, take the chair.” Mr Matson, in taking the chair, said that they had met that evening for a most important object, viz, to hear the opinions of their representative, who was also a candidate for their suffrages, on the great questions which were before them at the present time, and he hoped that they would give him a patient and attentive hearing, f Hear, hear.J His Honor, who was well received, on coming forward, said —Mr Chairman and gentlemen—lt is now more than a year ago since I had the pleasure of meeting the electors of this district in this room, I am glad to see that on the present occasion there is a larger attendance. I am glad, because it shows that the public of Canterbury are beginning to take a keener interest in public affairs, an interest which I conceive is the very life and soul of our representative institutions. [Hear, hear] Gentlemen, I stand before you to-night in a very peculiar position. I stand before you as your representative in the past, for Parliament is now dissolved, and I am no longer your representative, and 1 stand before you at present as your Superintendent, though I do not know how long I may continue in that posit ion. I stand before you as a representative of institutions with which my interests have for yeais been bound up, and as a representative of which institutions I have I believe 1 ibor d conscientiously and with integrity—[Cheers.]—labors which 1 believe will bear some good results. I am nor going, gentlemen, to detain you v.i-h personal matters, but will take up the political position of the colony where I left off when I last ad dressed you. At the commencement of the session the question before the country was one affecting the desirability of the abolition of piovincial institutions—not throughout the colony, but iu the Norrh Island of New Zealand The question, as perhaps many of you may remember I told you ai the time, was, I take it, brought on by what I then call'd the hasty action of the Gov't rnnn nt in respect to the Bill called the State Pores:s Hill. The resolutions foi the abolition of the North Island Provinces pa sed, and so far as the country and the representatives of the people were aware, there was no intention on the part of the Government to bring iu a Bill to affect more than the North Island of New Zealand. Not only so, but the Government themselves stated plainly that there was no intention to make the measure apply to the whole of New Zealand; and after the session of Parliament the Premier met his constituents at Auckland, and said that there was no intention of doing more than make the Bill apply to the North Island of New Zealand. He said that it was not possible to make it. I will read you the extract from his speech—[ Read.] —that was that the provisions of the measure were not to apply to the Middle Island. Not only did the head of the Government by his utterances give the colony to understand that the measure would not apply to more than the North Island, but the members of the House who subsequently joined the Ministry—l allude to the Hon Mr Bowen and Major Atkinson—gave their constituents to understand distinctly that it would not apply to more than the North Island. [Cheers] But when Parliament met, his Excellency said, in words put into his mouth by the Ministry, as follows :—“ In accordance with resolutions adopted by the House of Representatives last session, the necessary measures for the abolition of the provincial form of Government, and for the establishment of a more thorough form of local government iu this North Island, have been prepared, and will be immediately laid before you. You will be invited to decide whether, taking the circumstances of the colony into consideration, as well as the financial condition aid fir! u re prospects of some of the Provincial Governments in the Middle Island, the operation of the proposed measures may not at once, with general advantage, bo so extended as to include the whole of the provinces.” And this, too, when just prior to the session the Government had been assuring their constituents that it was not proposed to abolish the whole of the provinces, but only those in the North Island, with the understanding that the assent of the House should be taken whether it should be further extended. Well, gentlemen, the feeling of my mind, with others, was that the Assembly and the country were being taken by surprise by this proposition to apply the principle of abolition to the whole Island—that it was being done most stealthily, that the remarks in his Excellency’s speech wets uo indication that the Government in-

tended to do what they did do after all, viz, to bring in a Bill to apply to all the islands of New Zealand, What induced the Government to change their mind, I do not know, but I see it stated in the speech of the late member for Heathcote, that a meeting was held of the Government supporters, and that it was resolved that this should be done, and that abolition should be extended to both islands. I, gentlemen, as representing an important constituency such as the Avon, and as Superintendent of one of the great provinces, as Canterbury undoubtedly is, thought that it was not right that a measure like this should have been proposed thus stealthily—stealthily, that is, as regards the people of the Middle Island—[cheers] that the Ministry should, during the recess, have stated that it was only intended to apply to the North, and that it would not go further, and that they had no intention that it should. But when Parliament met, after what had been said, and after the time had gone by that members could have consulted their constituents on a matter so vitallyaffecting their interests and that of tha colony generally, I did not consider it right that a measure should be brought down to abolish the whole of the provinces. [Cheers ] Well, gentlemen, we fought against it; we thought that the whole constitutional liberties of the people would be taken away without consulting the constituencies, and without opportunity being afforded for consultation between the representatives of the people and giving to the latter an opportunity of expressing their opinion on the measure. Therefore we said that this measure should not be passed until the people had had an opportunity of being consulted upon it. Therefo'e we fought against it, and it may be thought with some violence, but we looked at it in this way, that extreme measures like this warranted extreme remedies. I now state with candour that I am not the man, if the constituencies of the colony [agree to accept abolition, to offer factious opposition. I have never offered factious opposition. I have tried hard, and will always do so, to prevent your privileges being taken away from you. [Cheers.] I tried hard to allow your opinions to be recorded, but I say now that if the opinion of the majority of the people of New Zealand is that abolition of the whole should be carried out, I will offer no factious opposition against it. [Hear, hear.] One of the last words I said to you, when I met you here before, was this, viz, “ When the people have properly and constitutionally, through their representatives, declared that a change should be made, I should think it my duty to do my best to guide that change for the best in the interests of the people.” [Hear, hear,] This, gentlemen, I may say at the beginning of my speech, is still my opinion. But, gentlemen, while I hold strong opinions on local government, you cannot expect me to deviate from them ; you can’t expect me to do so. [Hear, hear.] But so far as factious opposition goes, that I shall never offer. The matter rests with the electors now ; it is for you to say what course shall be taken in view of the changes in contemplation. Before going further into the questions which you may desire to hear discussed, and upon which you naturally desire to hear what I have to say, I should like to take you back to the beginning of the session, and give you a slight resume of what passed during the last session of the Parliament. I remember saying to you in this room, that a member of the Government after initiating so important a change as that involved in the abolition or the provinces should never have left the colony. [Cheers.] 1 said, for my own pait, that a shudder went through me when I heard that Mr Vogel had gone home, and this because 1 did not know what he might bring back in his pocket. He might bring back with him another Brogdcn contract —[Hear, hoar] —a contract which I opposed to the utmost, because 1 believed, as we have since found out, that we had men in the colony quite capable of carrying out those works quite as well. [Cheers] But it was not only what he might bring back ; at d here may say that I wish to speak of some papers which were laid before the House, papers which will be quoted not only in adjoining colonics, but in the United Kingdom and elsewhere. — 1 speak of the papers laid before Parliament in connection with the loan. I may say at once that it is not to the terms upon which that loan was obtained that I object to, because if the colony had been told that we could obtain money to carry out our public works on these terms, we should have been perfectly satisfied. Therefore I am not going to find fault with this part of Mr Vogel’s mission at home. But it is impossible for me not to deal with the past as affecting the future. Mr Voge.l went home with large powers, but he did not think it worth while to share his confidence with the representatives of the people. With him were associated other agents, and when at home ho rode rough shod over them. The House believed that the necessities of the colony made it necessary that the loan should be negotiated, and that we should have money at once, but, gentlemen, he negotiated that loan against the advice of the agents appointed to act with him ; and ho used his power to place a large ’sura of money in one monetary institution, a power that should never have been allowed to any man, and it must also be recollected that the representatives of the people were never in any way consulted. Another matter in connection with the loan I wish to bring before you, and it is this: when the matter was before the House, reference was made to the issue of short dated debentures, and Mr Vogel said that there was no serious necessity arising for the issue of those short dated debentures, that there was no necessity for the raising of the whole of the money at all. The same thing, I may point out, was said by Dr Pollen in the Upper House. I held that the way in which this loan had been raised was wrong, and that the representatives of the people were entitled to have a voice in what was to be done, and to know the intention of the Government. At an early period of the session, I took steps to have this question thoroughly sifted, and placed a resolution on the order paper to have the matter referred to the Public Accounts Committee. The question that was submitted to the committee was then whether it was necessary that the proceeds of the loan—as it was—should be put into one institution, and whether the banking arrangements of the colony were such as the committee could approve of. The committee reported—l have not the report by me, but I think I am giving the substance of it—that it was desirable that the banking account of the' colony should be put up to tender, and that there was no sufficieci reason vfhj those large sums of monsy

should, as they had been, be passed over to I one institution; As I have said, I am speaking from memory, and though I cannot quote exactly, the report of the committee was to the effect I have stated. The proceedings in connection with this matter left an uneasy feeling on my mind, that the members of the Ministry who could produce papers so condemnatory of their chief could not be in accord with him such as was necessary for the healthy carrying on of responsible Government. [Hear, hear.] But, gentlemen, it was not only as regards this, but also with reference to the San Francisco mail contract, that it was evident that there was not that unity between Ministers, such as is conducive to good Government. My own feeling is that there are good honest men in that Government, but I say that it is very ill assorted at the present time. There are men there who have been friends—warm personal friends of mine ever since I first set foot in the col ony —I speak more especially of Mr Bowen—[cheers]— who is a great acquisition to the Government, but I may say that it is a bad look out for the colony when the members of the Ministry are not in accord with their chief, and prepared to defend every action taken by him. [Hear, hear.] I speak as a member of the Opposition, and I may say that an Opposition is a very good thing for the neople—[hear, hear]— and I speak as a critic, one whose business it is to point out abuses. My duty is to bring before the people what I consider to be wrong, and to place the case, from my point of view, before them, just as there is in legal matters counsel for the plaintiff and defendant, and therefore it is only right that I should put the case to you. I say that there were symptoms of disunion in the departments of the Government, and in the Government generally, and in the dealing with native matters. There are symptoms of disunion which, in view of the great questions now agitating the public mind, are very significant; symptoms of disunion which should make us pause before we decide in favor of abolition, before we decide to sweep away the form of Government which we have under our eyes. There are signs of disunion in the papers which the Government, in all fairness, have placed on the thejtable, to which I have referred; signs of disunion in the papers put before the House in reference to land matters, and also in respect to the large estate which has been created by the revenue of the colony in the North Island. I was associated in opposition with bir George Grey —an association of which any man might be proud, for he is a man who has served his country well in all parts of the world—a man who with a chivalry which deserves every admiration, left his ease, his luxurious home, and all that he delighted in, to stand forth and help in the attempt which has been made to prevent our liberties being taken from us—our constitution taken from the people of New Zealand. [Cheers] I do not think for one moment that such conduct as his deserves the reprobation, and I may almost say the obloquy which has been heaped upon him, | Cheers.] There was during the session the matter of the Piako Swamp sale to Mr Thos. Russell and others, which I dare say you will not care to hear about, as this has been pretty fully spoken of in the newspapers ; and there was also the Tairua purchase on the Hauraki Peninsula, which matters were considered by a committee. I think I shall best consult your wishes if I do not go into these matters, but I simply refer to them to show the actions of the Government, and how they have dealt with the lauds in tbeirahauds, and the large amount of money, £700,000, voted by Parliament for the acquisition of an estate in the North Island ; and I say that they have not been dealt with by the Go vernmeut iu such a manner as they shouie have been. The General Government are removed from the lynx eye of the people, and they have dealt with matters such as 1 have referred to. in a way which should not be done by the Government of this colony. [Hear, bear,] bir George Grey stigmatised these transactions vigorously and energetically, and in a way which would do the greatest credit to any public man, but which brought on him an amount of animadversion which waentirely undeserved. One expression of his gave rise to great offence, and it was that he objected to the confiscated lands of tne colony being dealt with in large blocks. It is, I consider, a great evil if all classes ot her Majesty’s subjects do not get equal advantages in dealing with the public lands of the colony. The whole history of public policy of dealing with waste lauds —a poUcy which was not instituted by Mr Vogel, but long prior to Mr Vogel—the whole policy of dealing with the waste lands, I say, was not the parting with them in vast blocks to capitalists, but dealing with them so ns to result in the growth of a happy and contented people. [Cheers] But such a result will not be attained by dealing with lands in the manner the Government have dealt with the Piako swamps, by giving 80,000 acres to a small company of capitalists, or giving a block which is said —I do not know with what truth—to be some of the best land in the colony, to Messrs Studholme and others. Such a result will not be attained when matters are so managed that reserves are made in these lands ostensibly for native purposes, but really to be used by gentlemen who are agents of the Government, and not used as they were undoubtedly intended and should be for purposes of settlement. I refer now more particularly to the sale ot the Tairua block. I know of no trans action such as Ibis in the history of Governments. 1 have had considerable experience as an administrator of Government here, and I say that if a breath of such a ,tate of things came out here as regards onr Superintende t or his Executive, there would be such a howl of indignation as would soon dispose both of the Superintendent and his Executive. [Cheers.] This is the state of things which obtains this the action which occurs when matters of this kind are shut out from the g' ze of the representatives of the people; and I mention these things to you to show what may be looked for when the Central Government takes the bit in its teeth. [Cheers.] There was not much in the history of the late session which needs more than a passing remark from me. There is a Bill which is of some interest to this district, the Drainage Bill, which I took through the House. The Bill is now going to be put into operation, and I think will be found to be a very useful Bill. I see that Isst night reference was made to it by one of the candiJates for Christchurch, having special reference to the provisions for election. The Bill, I may explain, as it came up to me was taken through the Lower Horne by me, and 1 took it as representing the

wishes of the people. As regards the ballot, it has been admitted, and I should be very sorry to attempt to alter it, and should I be returned I will take steps to have the clauses altered. [Hoar, hear.J It was passed through the Lower House before we became aware of the clauses being in it. It was late in the session, and it would have been awkward, without proper legal advice, to have attempted to alter it, and the Bill went through as it is, I hope it will not affect the elections to take place under it, and I will, as I have said, take steps to have the ballot clauses introduced if required, There was another Bill passed, entitled the Debtors and Creditors Act, which concerns those engaged in business generally. It is a question whether the Bill when jiin operation will work well or not, but I believe the Government submitted it to the various Chambers of Commerce throughout the colony for their approval before bringing it in. The questions involved are of a technical nature, and I, for my own part, look upon it as one upon which I should like to take the opinion of those most conversant with the conduct of business. It passed without the objectionable clause which tied a man to the grindstone after be failed, for a longer period than I thought necessary. The Bill is passed, and it is one which will take time to see if it will work well or not. The Municipal Corporations Act Amendment Act is one which provides for the election of the chief officer of the municipalities by the people, and I think it is a very good principle, and one I have always contended for. [Hear, hear.] I believe in elective Superintendents, though there are some who do not, as I believe in the election of representatives being spread over the largest area, because then I believe you get the best men, [Hear, hear.] There was another Bill which was of great importance, as referring to the registration of electors. I refer to the Bill which provides for the placing on the electoral rolls of all persons who have paid their rates. [Cheers.] I think that this is a very fair and proper provision. Then there was the Lodger Franchise Bill, which gives to any person who shall have resided for twelvemonths in any one district the right to vote. I think that those who are governed should have the right to have a voice in the making of the laws under which they are governed, and though looking upon this as an experiment in a great degree, I yet think it is worth a trial. The Beprcscntation Act gives to Christchurch another member, and also gives some additional members for various places throughout the colony. As regards the first of these, I think there is some objection to the introduction of what at home is called three-cornered voting, that is the election of three members for one constituency, where each voter has the j ower of voting for all three. The minority in this case has no chance of being represented, therefore 1 cannot look upon this as quite fair. I believe that the fairest way would be that each voter should only have power to vote for two members, when a respectable minority would have a chance of being fairly represented ultimately. It is a matter of calculation, but I believe it would be found to work out all right. Another way is as at home, that known as the cumulative vote, by which the voter can give his three votes for one membtr. The Bill altogether seemed to me to be introduced principally for the purpose of having additional members without any very serious consideration as to the requirements of the whole of the colony. I will not detain you longer by referring to the Acts of the past session except in one par ticular, but if you desire me specially to refer to any one of them I shall be glad if you will evil my attention to it. [Hear hear.] There was one little Bill which came in at the end of the session 1 r ter to toe Canterbury Board of Education Bill This Bill has been spoken of as being sur rcptitiously brought in, and tried to be g t hurriedly through the House; but. it must be recollected that there was not much time to get it through. It was brought in by Mr Montgomery, and was connected with wha had taken place wilh reference to the aboli tion of t u e Board of Education, Gentlemen. I am opposed to abolition, and I consider the abolition of that Board a great disaster

[Cheers. | It was the break up of a system which had worked exceedingly well, and 1 think the action taken by the Provincial Council in this matter was exceedingly hasty. [Hear, hear. ) And, as regards ray action in Uiis matter as Superintendent, there are those I know who say I (should have used my power of veto. [ A Voice — “ Why didn’t you ?”] Well, I am Just going to tell you. | Hear, hear.J The reason why I did not veto the Bill (or one of them) —and I am glad to have this opportunity of explaining it to gentlemen to whom I stand in the relation of repre seutative to his constituents. My reason was that it would not be a proper action on my part in connection with this subject to make it a political platform, although I believe it would have been one of the most popular things that could be done. [Cheers. 1 1 did not think it right that in connection with such a matter as education that I should put the people in a state, of ferment, which was not my place. I believed that after the people had had experience of the Bill and the working of the system, and the people’s representatives came together again, i believed that it would have work'd its own remedy in a manner which would have been productive of lasting good and much better than the Buperiutendent vetoing it. If I had known that the Provincial Couuci! wasnot likely to meetagain the position would have been a different one. [Hear, hear.] But I did not know this, and besides this there was the action of a very large portion of the representatives of the people who expressed very decided opinions as was the case here. This meeting has not been called for the purpose of explaining my action in this matter, but I am very glad to have had the opportunity of saying so much as I have done on this question. [Hear-, hear.] The Bill I have referred to was brought in because there was no chance of the Provincial Council meeting soon, and it was intended by it to reinstate the Board of Education. [Cheers.] I supported this Bill which went exactly with my opinions, because it ran, as Mr Stafford said, in all fours with my views. Gentlemen, I voted for that Bill and should do it again. [Cheers.] It was thrown out in the Upper Home. [A Voice—“We know who that was, it was Peacock.”] I am not one of those who fine! fault with those who take a different view, bm would give the utmost credit to those who took the other side of the matter, 1 be! i ve that they acted conscientiously, and to ■ host of their ability in this matter ; u' :f they had failed I should have been w.jj glad. 1 have referred to this subject

partly because I saw it stated by another candidate —I mean one of the candidates for the Heathcote, that he had opposed this Bill because it was a fraud and an underhand proceeding altogether. Gentlemen, if you think so you will not again elect me as your representative. With regard to Mr Montgomery, I am quite sure that the general feeling is that he is incapable of a fraud. [Cheers.] Leaving the past we arc now coming to what is going to be in the future, and I will go on with this question of education. My views on this subject have been pretty clearly put forward. I was one of the earliest who had to do in this province with education, having been appointed with others by the then Superintendent to initiate a scheme which, I believe, has worked second to none in the colony. I believe the question of education to be the national question of the present day, far before the question of provincialism or centralism. [Hear, hear.] Our population at the present time is nearly double what it was in 1864; and if the population goes on increasing at its present rate, what we have done to provide for education will appear as little with what will have to be done at that time. Itrust andbelievethattheelectorsof the colony will deal with this question in a large and liberal spirit, and I hope that through their moans churches and schools will be met with in every village throughout the colony. My particular views with regard to this question of education are to get constituted large electel local Boards, and to invest them with much larger powers, because I know that with these greater powers you will get greater responsibility, and I believe you will get better men to take them up. I believe that what Dr Arnold said of hoys applies equally to men—“ If you trust them they will rise to the occasion.” Therefore I believe that what w T e want in order that a system of national education should be carried out effectively is, that it should be carried out as much as possible locally by the people. What I have striven for to attain is a fixity of finance. We shall by obtaining this remove those alternations of parsimony and extravagance which cause the system to work fitfully. What wo want is a continuity of action in the Board, and this will be obtained by a fixity of finance which will be secured by the General Government seeing that a great portion of the expenditure for education is charged on the consolidated fund. I have already placed on record my views with regard to the policy to be pursued in carrying on a system of national education for the future, I would have the people feel that they are working out their own future destiny by means of local committees. Boards for the purpose of general guidance, and working under strict provisions and regulations laid down by law, should be the next body to deal with the matter. These, combined with a strict system of efficient inspection, and payment by results, according to fixed standards, wou’d, I feel convinced, do much to promote a complete system of national education. It is this system of national education that has made America what she is, and I am certain will do more to secure a national feeling than any measure brought before the Parliament of the country. [Hear, hear.] There is another question I believe agitating the constituencies at the preseu time, and which will have to be dealt with by the ensuing Parliament. I speak of dealing with the pastoral licenses when they fall in in 1880. I was very pleased with the views expressed on this subject, as they in the main agreed with my own. The broad principles upon which they arc based are those of justice ; that in dealing with this question we should decide in the interests of the peonle at large, and not in the interests of any class or of the particular class interested in what is done w ith the runs in 1880. Now, I should absolutely op] >ose what has been put forward outside, namely, that the runs should be put up to auction. I believe that the utmost value should be got for the runs, but I will support no proposal that does not secure to the public the utmost value for their lands, and I do not think that putting them up to auction would do that. On the contrary, I believe that it would act as a deterrent to the employment and importation of capital; in fact I do not see how putting up the runs to auction would act except to benefit the interests of speculators and laud jobbers ; indeed I believe that it would not work in the interest of the public at large. Mr Stevens has pointed out in a manner in which 1 entirely agree, that the moment you begin to put these runs up to auction, increased advantages of holding will be demanded and got by those who get them. The effect of this would be most mischievous, for those who got these terms then would require compensation again when any change was made. I am of opinion that it would be most unwise to give any increased holding power, such as is given in Otago to runholders, the result of which is that when any Bill is proposed which affects the waste lands, there is instantly a clause proposed to give compensation to the runholders. I have always voted against that, for I believe that the waste lands of the Crown should be held for the purposes of settlement, and that no compensation should be given to those who hold them on a grazing tenure. There is another point which it is fair to mention—l mean the question of pre-emptive rights. No doubt when these pre-emptive rights were first introduced, they were productive of great good, encouraging the expenditure of capital and the occupation of the land. But improvement as to fencing constituting a pre-emptive right, which was agreed to in 1867, on edit never to have been pa«s°d. Preemptive rights ought never to have been givenwithout sufficient improvements being on the land to justify those rights being given, I think that the time lias come when the whole system of pre-emptive rights shall be done away with. I am speaking of course of the year 1880, for I will be no party to infringing a fair bargain. I believe that the fact of the right of preemption having been given is that sooner or later the power ot purchase will he exercised and I believe that in 1880 it will have to be exercised. I may say with regard to this question that it has occupied my attention a great deal. I believe that in a few instances there have been abuses of that system, but they have been but few, in fact on the whole, I believe there has been a great spirit of fairness. One of the advantages that has been gained is that there has been a prevention of the system of gridironing, by which a person by purchasing a number of narrow strips of land, secured a much larger block than was really paid for. I believe that the system now in force is a very great improvement in the working of the Waste Lands Regulations. On the whole I do notthink that any very material changefor the better can be made in the Waste Lauda Regulations. W hep

I took office seven years ago the cry was, “ reduce the price of land.” I opposed it then, and I should oppose it now. I believe that as time goes on settlement will increase, I know of thousands of acres which I believe ultimately will be made into farms for the settlement of hundreds and thousands of people. [Cheers ] Well, now as the evening is getting on, I must come to the question which is at present occupying the public mind. 1 mean the quesiiou of the abolition of the provinces, ’When 1 met you first here, seven years ago, I told you that I was not an ultra-proviucialist, that I believed the whole country was very much over-governed, the machinery too cumbrous, too costly, and too weighty, and that the antagonism existing between the General and the Provincial Governments would be put an end to by defining the powers of each. You will pardon me if I read to you what I said in 1868, when I was a candidate for the office of Superintendent. I said—- “ With regard to the question of Provincialism as commonly contrasted with Centralism, I believe that considerable changes must and ought to take place, which will materially modify the institutions both of the colony and the provinces. I am not of opinion that any hasty or revolutionary change would be productive of any good. There is a certain amount of local administration which must be continued, whatever name or form it may ultimately assume. The machinery by which this has hitherto been carried out, has, I think, been unnecessarily large, and may, with advantage, be reduced; but I would not, therefore, advocate its sudden abandonment, when no sufficient guarantee exists that the General Assembly and the Government of the colony would be in a position to carry on the work more efficiently and satisfactorily. It will not be by rash destruction, but by patient and careful working out of political problems as they arise, with the aid of a better-instructed public opinion, that good government will be ultimately secured.” That was my address to the constituency of the whole province. Shortly after that, viz, in March, 1868, I was a candidate for your suffrages to represent the Avon district in the Assembly, I then said—- “ You will have gathered from my address to you as electors of this province that I think that a more satisfactory definition of the functions of the Colonial and Provincial Governments than at present exists should be arrived at, and that such changes as should be effected in their financial relations as will tend to economy and harmony of administration. I am, however, strongly of opinion that nothing but confusion would ensue from any hasty abandonment of local institutions and administration, as I do not believe that however faulty may have been their management, the Colonial Government and the General Assembly are now in a position to remedy the defects or to administer local affairs of the province from a distance.” I am not one of those who are fond of quoting opinions formerly expressed as evidences of their consistency, but I feel that I am justified in quoting those words spoken seven years ago in proof that no material change has taken place since then in the opinions I held. I have never had from the beginning any sympathy with those who sneer at local institutions; men who speak of the provinces as mere congeries of parishes ; those sneerers who speak of our provincial institutions as bodies fit only to be entrusted with the construction and repair of roads and bridges, forgetting that tinmen who worked those institutions had carried out the heroic work of colonisation, and as much were deserving of respect as those gentlemen who constructed paper schemes in their offices without having the same prac l ical knowledge as we who have worked it out for ourselves. [Hear, hear, and cheers.] What 1 have desired to see is that we should stick to our constitution, and endeavor to remove those excrescences winch have disfigured and prevented it from working properly, notabolish it. Demolition is the act of children with their toys, construction and preservation is the work of rr,en and statesmen. If tbs machinery on i-nr farms or our watches get out of order do we knock off a portion of that machinery? I think not Mr Filzherbert illustrated the subject in another way. He said—“lf onr wives do not please ns, we do not at once go in for a divorce ; no, we endeavor to arrange matters.” j Laughter.] I believe we have a constitution, as originally designed, adapted for obtaining one of (he finest forms of Government ever initiated, and I believe, if we abolished this because the present form of administration had got out of order, weshould bemakingoneof tbemost fatal mistakes which any people could possibly make. I do not wish to detain you tonight, but I cannot forbear from quoting what I placed before the Provincial Council in 1869. A great idea then prevailed for breaking up the province into counties ; also for dividing the province into two portions, to be separated by the Rangitata, A committee was appointed by the Council, and I placed before them my views. 1 said—“l believe, and hope that the colony will never consent to the creation of a number of small governments receiving a share of the iaxation raised by the colony, and that so far as the province of Canterbury is concerned it can be easily shown that no district taking its fair share of the liabilities of the province already incurred can take upon itself and carry on Ps works and administration so economically as under a modification of the present system. It is in this belief that the Provincial Government has been handing over to the Board of Works in Tiraaru the administration of all matters which could fairly be devolved upon it. Nor do I think we can look'to the Central Government to work out for us the problem which we have to solve. The native difficulty and the consequent want of identity or community of interest between the provinces of this and the Northern Island, the impossibility of obtaining men of leisure, independence, and ability 0 form a Central Government capable of meeting the requirements of the whole country, the geographical and other dis tinctions of the provinces of the Southern Island, convince me that we must still look to the provincial system for efficient administration, at any rate in this island, leaving legislation to the General Assembly, and devolving upon the districts, with the share of the revenue to which they are entitled, a proportionate share of self-government We require therefore as ic seems to me—l. Such legislative enactments as will provide for the integrity of the province and a more clear definition of its powers. 2. We alsi require a final assurance of our property in the land revenue and a provision securing 'he apportionment of a fair proportion of it to the several districts in which it arises." 1 said further, and 1 beg you to pay parti-

cular attention to this —“ I am averse to any revolutionary changes. The development of our Constitution must be continuous, and no one can read the papers connected with its early establishment without recognising that it was formed with a view to the utmost elasticity, and with great powers of selfadaptation. Spasmodic and hasty introduction of a different class of machinery cannot but create confusion.” At that time 1 went on to recommend what I believe is the key of the present difficulty, namely, the bringing back of the Constitution as originally instituted. I believe that the chief admistrative officer of the province should, like the President of the United States, be chosen by the whole body of the people, and that as Superintendent he should act, being assisted by a well selected staff of departmental officers. I consider that one of the great evils of the provincial system has been the introduction of a pseudo system of responsible Governments. In saying this, I wish to be distinctly understood as not reflecting upon any of the members of onr present or former executives. On the contrary, I have been favored with the assistance of men of business habits, men who deserve well of of the country for what they have done. But I believe that the system which deprives the elective officer of the whole people of responsibility is most mischievous. I do not say that it is good for one man to have the whole power unchecked, but I believe that the mischief has arisen from members of the Provincial Council holding administrative offices as well as advisers of the Superintendent, and that has induced a desire for change ; the only ground offered for that change being that the acts of one Government might be inveighed against by another. I believe that the real change of Governments should lay with the people in the election of the chief officer. Provincial Councils, too, have grown far beyond the requirements of the province—what are wanted to be established throughout the country are districts, having their own autonomy, with one rate roll throughout. A reform like that might be carried out with beneficial effect, and not a hasty change, suddenly rushed into, I should like you just to look at what the constitution of the colony is. We are talking of the abolition of the provinces, whilst you have got a representative of the Imperial Government to look after Imperial interests, and acting on the advice of a popular Assembly. You have Superintendents and Provincial Councils, and now you propose to knock out one part of the machinery altogether, and I am convinced that if you knock out Provincial Governments you will have to make radical changes elsewhere, and I am at a loss to conceive what direction those who originated the scheme of abolition thought it would ultimately take. Of course in saying this I am speaking of the Premier, who now proposes to destroy that for which only a few years since he was the strongest supporter and champion. Instead of destroying the provinces, defining finance, cutting down establishments,and strict economy, should be our watchwords to guide us in changes which I believe must come. The problem which we shall have to solve is whether we shall have a central superintendence with a local administration or not. The form of Government intended by the constitution is the best form ; indeed I have seen no substitute for it, and moreover, I do not believe the people of the colony will submit, to bn told “ you can make your roads and your drains, and that is to bo the extent you are to go. ” God forbid that should be the case. I believe that the people of the provinces should, through their representatives, have the power of dealing with many of the higher forms of Government, and yet they were asked to give one up, but I warn you if you do to you will not have the power of re sumption. The Abolition Bill of last session first proposed that the license fees should be given over to the municipalities and Road Boards. I proposed that to the Provincial Council, but it is not a fair apportionment of revenue. I believe that the municipalities and suburban districts are entitled to a fair share of the land fund, [Cheers.] Another feature in the Bill was that the residue of the land fund should be paid to ’the districts for appropriation by f ern; that was not the original proposition of the General Government, which was that the residue of revenue sh old be appropriated by the General Assembly that was, however, altered in corami!ten. I cannot see how you are going to establish a uniform principle, ami give £1 for £l, because I fear after the uniform principle is established, the residue will give little trouble. I am quite surprised "t the silence observed by Mr Stevens as to the question of endowments out of the con soMdated fund. Mr Sr.evens is a gentleman with whom I am on friendly terms. I have the highest respect for him, and believe that he will be a credit to the House of Representatives, for he is a far-seeing, clear headed man; but 1 have been at a loss to know wbat lie would say na to the taxation of the people by one power, and the distribution of that taxation by another power. We cannot have one body taxing the people, and another body spending the money. And yet the Abolition Bill proposes to take a large sum of money from the country by taxing the necessaries of life in me -bstrict mid thou distributing it in doles in mhers. With regard to responsibility, I have come to the conclusion that until you con impeach ft man there is no responsibility. Wind is the position of affairs when people gel themselves into a mesa. The people who got ihem into that mess resign, nothing hi left, and nobody is laid hold of. [Laughter. | i should he glad to think that there is any prospect of the subsidies proposed to be given being continued, I believe the present Government to be thoroughly honest, and that their intentions are good, but I ask you, “ Do you believe that the present Government are going to continue long in power, however good their intentions may be?” It is madness to suppose that they can propitiate a people for ever by continually holding out promises of future advantages to be conferred on the community. It. is said it is impossible to maintain the provinces in the North Island, and Bir Julius Vogel, and Mr Bowen, and Major Atkinson, said that Pro vlnci.il institutions wore to be continued in the Middle Island. Now I will ask—does it seem reasonable that the. same men should say—“ We cannot put things right in the North Island without pulling them down in the Middle Island.” [Hear, hear.] What excuse can be offered for the sudden change in the opinions of the Ministry. If it had been Mr Stafford 1 could have understood it, for ho expressed the same views some time since, hut Mr Vogel strongly supported in 187!'. the very font) iff Government which ho now wishes iu abolish. It is said, if we con-

tinuc provincial institutions we shall have a form of Government different from other parts of the world. I say “ Not so." In Australia they have a similar form, differing only in degree. A similar form prevails in the United States, and in the Canton of Zurich you have a similar Government; it is a country where one-third of the revenue goes for education, and is a country where there is a progressive property and income tax. Even at home an agitation is going on to establish a form of local government, and thus relieve the central Government of functions which it ought not to have to discharge. It is said that if the provinces are abolished, logrolling would be put an end to, but you will not remove log-rolling from the General Assembly if they commence to take up the question of reads and bridges. Ido not wish to see that, but I wish to see the Assembly dealing with questions affecting the welfare of the whole colony, but that the local works should be carried out under the lynx eye of the people. If Provincial Government were done away, it will come back again in another form. What we meant is not abolition, but such a modification as will suit the wants of the people. I do not think much of policy mongering, and I am not going to put forward any dazzling scheme of a policy of my own, but this I will say, do not let go what you have got until you are certain of getting something better. I was very much struck with Sir G. Grey’s address at Dunedin, which indeed I wish had been reproduced here, and in which he eloquently describes the position of the colony. I wish I could give it in his very words, but I cannot. Sir George says:— Here we arc situated between two great continents—having a country which produces gold, iron, and coal soon to be connected with Australia by means of an electric cable ; speaking a tongue spoken all over the civilised globe—there will be no limit to our manufactures. We have a country we have reason to be proud of, and we ought not to throw away our privileges of freedom, but endeavor to make our island home so that it will be in advance of the whole world. ” I do not wish to detain you longer as it is get ling late, but I cannot sit down without saying that I have unbounded confidence in the good sense of the people of the colony, a people whose industry aud common faith will lead that country to a great future. I have to thank you for the very patient hearing you have given me. I had more to say to you, but as it is getting late, I will content myself with saying that I shall meet thaelectors at Riccarton on Friday, at New Brighton on Saturday, and at Templeton on Monday. In reply to questions, Mr Rolleston said that antagonism would be removed and the Government be best carried out by a judicious definition of the powers of the General and Provincial Governments. He thought that the original proposal of Sir G. Grey was right, viz, the election of the Legislative Council by the provinces; that would maintain the balance of power between the provinces and the Central Government. If the provinces did not continue, no question a radical change would have to take place in the constitution of the Upper House. With regard to the Drainage Bill, he believed that a large portion of the country would be materially benefited by arterial drainage. Mr Alfred Saunders proposed a vole of thanks to Mr Rolleston for his able address, and a vote of confidence in him as the representative of the district. Mr Lane seconded the motion, which was agreed to unanimously, A vote of thanks to the chairman, moved by Mr Rolleston, terminated the proceedings.