CORRESPONDENCE.
f lie French Revolution,
(to the editor op the standard.) Silt,— l. have read (Live report m" your paper' of JKev. Mr Bunn.'s sermon on ■'-*' ' Athoiam,^ aud «\m the correspondence hetwenn Air Bunn and Mi* ifaggeri. With respect to the veriiarka of your correspondent on the French Revolution, permit me .to nay a few words. Tt is to be regretted that Mr Huggen should make an assertion, the fallacy of which must be evident* to any thinking person and even to Mr Haggen himnelf upon due reflection, ritniely, that "the Revolution were the fruite of. the Christian Tree." He makes this assertion without even the slujhtesi modification or explanation, Now, sir, suppose a young scholar, let me my m one of the Rationalistic Gymnasiums m some part of Europe when being questioned .about the cause of tho Revolution, should give Mich an answer; I urn sure he would
receive a severe rebuke. Perhup" j m-, it might be shown, that even outmost celebrated historians ami learned persons, v,ho were eminently qualified fur the task of evmiining and study* ing this difficult subject m an impar* dal manner, had to confers, that to settle the questiou m a .sitisfadorv manner v\us nob easy. . Bui surely none would risk their' literary reputation l»y stating th:»t Christianity had ciused th« Revolution. No Rationalist, not eveu Strauss or Renan would; say it. Let me say, siiy that, from the time I stndied this subject a little I have been under the inipivssi-m that not one single cause, but rather a combination of many causes have operated. There mronld undoubtedly be much truth instating that Atheism had a great, deal to do m producing the Revolution, but I do not think it would be m accoi dunce with facts to say that Atheism was the sole cause of it. Here, T think, we must try to do as the Jesuit said to Pascal (Provincial Le.lter>) distinguo. We must not forget that the French Revolution like revolutions of a similar nature m other couu tries had its successive stages, and it will Vie our duty, 1 think, to psiy particular attention to each and all of these and compare them with each other, if we really wish lo arrive at anything like a true conclusion: It is evident that certain moral and intellectual gratifications are necessary m order to perform this task satisf ctorily. And, before we have done so, it would be great presumption to speak of write upon the subject m question with any degree of authority. In rhy humble opinion, sir, I do uot think that it would be m strict conformity with tiuth to say, that that which we call the Reign ofTeiror should -necessarily be considered as constituting an essential part of the Revolution itself, m other words, that the Reign of Terror was simply the necessary development of a principle involved m the Revolution, Perhaps it might be more correct to say that that stage m the French Revolution, the Reign of Terror, was more like an excrescence and vaß caused by a gradual arid continual deviation from the moral and political principles. It is indeed very probable that if the boat pai t of the political and social, policy, p omulgated by the- Girondists' had been carried out, there might have been a revolution without a Reign of Terror. The "French Revolution might have terminated m a satisfactory, manner, m a similar manner as the English Revolution did m 1688. Permit me here to enumerate aomo of the principal causes, which appeal to me to. have combined to bring the Revolution into existence. (I) The despotical governments, which for many generations had cripjiled tho progress of national development and liberty especialy under Louis the XIV and XV. (2) The corruption of the church and the many false doctrines and practices promulgated amongst the peoplo, (3) The pernicious influence of the many infidels, who lived at that period and who although they undoubtedly did much m order to better- the social condition oiAhje_p^Pip]^jn^their_spiritual blindness persisted m." identifying Christianity with tho corruption of it. (4) The undue power of the highor orders of society, the nobility and the cleigy and consequently the slavery and oppression of the lower classes. (5) The obstinacy of the Government of Louis XVI m refusing the jiist demands of the people for reform. Suppose these and similar causes were combined; Would they not shake a nation like an earthquake? Can we wonder that the rotten state-edifice foil with a .terrible crash "and spread destruction all around?- And here, sir, comes the English Constitution to my mind; How imperfect hi many respects the English Constitution may be considered to be, I think the British people, who know something nf the history of their country, no matter what ideas ■• they entertain about the forms of government, ought to be thankful to God;' for* tho constitution. „ -There have beten not a few serious disturbances and revolutions m England from time to time, but the British people never made such dreadful experience as the French people did. And how do we account for this? Whatever faults (and they are uedoubtedly many) the English governments may be charge)) with, let me say only from the time" of Henry the VIII up the the present time. I think we are all agre-'d m this, that it has been the wisdom of the English governments. — I hope Ireland will receive justice m the nineteeu th cen t ury ,— t o -notice the the signs of the times, which the French Governments did not. Whether Tory or Whig, the great truth has been acknowledged and acted upon, that society never stands still but is continually m progression.. Hence, shy that- laws and regulations have also been continually changing m order to keep pace with the pro-, gress of the. nation m. all departments. Had the French government of Louis i;he XVI recooniped this great law of progress, which a statesman worthy of the namft cannot be ignorant of. with out danger, then, m all prolmbility there would* have been no dangerous revolutions, much less a Red ReigH-^dF ; . ■ Nei I her would infidels have been able to exercise such deplorable influence on t a deluded and oppressed multitude. France required a change. Every thinjf pressed forward to ., jreligious, political and social freedom. The old established combination pt despotical tyranny could not last for. Hve)'. J bfjljpye tjip merciful God ; who always has . compassion on his creatures wished to give to the French nation -the same blessed liberty as England and other nations enjoyed. But, ala 3, French sought to acquire this precious gift by committing the blackest crime* under the sun, by the trampling upon Jthe laws of God and men. There; was great provocation, we, doubt not, but iftey ;caii therefore not be excused. On anothgr occasion, J will, with your, permission, say a few w.ords about your correspondents' remarks on Joseph Cook and Tom Paine. — I am, Ac. : Christopher Gatjstad. Palmer.ston North, - .. . . Sept.23rd, 1884.
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Manawatu Standard, Volume IV, Issue 255, 24 September 1884, Page 2
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1,172CORRESPONDENCE. Manawatu Standard, Volume IV, Issue 255, 24 September 1884, Page 2
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